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The New Neo

A blog about political change, among other things

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Debate open thread (with a note on the possibility of a recess appointment of Scalia’s successor)

The New Neo Posted on February 13, 2016 by neoFebruary 13, 2016

The debate is tonight.

I don’t know about you, but I’m exhausted. Scalia’s death has caused deep concern, and we were already pretty frayed (that’s not the royal “we;” I mean conservatives, and even Americans, as a whole).

To add to the mess, now there is some discussion of the possibility that Obama will try to make a recess appointment while the Senate is not in session. As this Washington Examiner article states:

The Senate is scheduled to be in recess until Feb. 22, giving Obama nine days to mull the idea. If Obama were to pursue that route, Republicans likely would argue that the Senate was out of session for too short a time for Obama to take advantage of the recess appointment power. But the Supreme Court has never said exactly how long a recess must be for the president to make recess appointments.

“It’s a live threat,” the aide said.

I did some research on this, and I have to say I haven’t a clue whether Obama would get away with the effort. There have been previous SCOTUS recess appointments before, but I don’t know that they involve a situation as precarious and contentious as this one. I was also trying to find out whether the Senate would be able to come back quickly from recess if that were to happen, and I can’t find a thing that addresses that issue. I would imagine we’ll hear more about all the possibilities pretty soon.

9:00 PM: The debate begins. The first question is about Scalia’s replacement. So far everyone agrees that the GOP must prevent a nomination by Obama.

9:25 PM: So far I have to say this debate is much better than most of them, although I’m busy so I’m listening with only one ear. The questions are closer to being actual substantive questions rather than attempts to pit one candidate against the other. All the replies so far sound intelligent. I believe that part of the reason the whole thing is better (so far, knock wood) is that it’s now down to six candidates.

As soon as I wrote that, Trump attacks Jeb Bush on foreign policy. People are booing, and Trump goes into the accusation that they are all lobbyists again.

9:30 PM: I think Cruz sounds good; intelligent, confident, knowledgeable, calm. But that’s just me; I pretty much always think that.

9:32 PM: Trump was just asked the sort of question I’ve been wanting someone to ask, about how he said George Bush should have been impeached. I don’t think he’s given a good answer; he’s saying Bush made a mistake, but that has nothing to do with being impeached, and he’s doubling down on the “he lied” accusation.

And Jeb Bush shows some energy in his defense of his family. Now Trump makes the accusation that 9/11 happened on Bush’s watch. To me, that shows that he fights with liberal talking points. The audience boos vociferously, and if I were there I’d be joining them. And Rubio joins in to defend George Bush (and I don’t think it’s with a memorized talking point, either).

10:00 PM: It occurs to me that, at least in this particular debate, everyone except Trump sounds okay and most sound very good. That hasn’t always been the case. I prefer some of them greatly over some of the others, but the only one who has said some truly offensive and completely unacceptable things is Trump. And yet he’s the leader. As I just wrote in the comments, I would think anyone the least bit conservative would have been deeply offended by his doubling down tonight on the leftist meme “Bush lied!” and his blaming of 9/11 on Bush, too. That should make a lot of people desert him. But from previous experience, I doubt it will. I’ll be curious what some of the pro-Trump commenters on this blog will say.

10:08 PM: Cruz and Rubio go at it on their immigration policies, past and present, and each accuses the other of lying. We’ve passed this way before. I’m not so sure most people can tell who’s right and who’s wrong about that, and are sick of this battle. Jeb Bush comes in with the old “this is what senators do, elect a governor instead.”

10:33 PM: Tremendous fireworks between Trump and Cruz and some of the others, in which Trump again really sounds like an infantile child. I assume his supporters might differ with that perception. But I think that with fewer people on the stage, Trump gets more air time and it highlights the qualitative differences between Trump and all the others.

Posted in Election 2016 | 55 Replies

Now that Justice Scalia has died, what will Congress do?

The New Neo Posted on February 13, 2016 by neoFebruary 13, 2016

[NOTE: Although I already speculated somewhat about this question in the addenda to the previous post, I felt the issue is so important it needs a post of its own.]

What will happen now?

To set the scene: it’s nine months to the election, about eleven till the inauguration. The GOP controls the Senate, but there’s a Democratic president (in case you haven’t noticed). The Supreme Court is split between 4 liberal and 4 conservative justices and one swing justice. One of the conservative justices dies. President Obama has the right to appoint his successor, and that appointment will entirely change the Court’s makeup to predictably liberal. And yet he needs the Republican Senate’s approval to do it.

In an ideal world, justices would be “neutral” and the august and objective law would be the only guide they followed. But in the real world, justices each have a judicial attitude and philosophy that is reflected in decisions that tend to consistently and predictably lean to one side or other in their political consequences. Therefore no judge Obama appoints will be “neutral”; that person will be liberal if not leftist. That is a given.

The GOP Senate, tasked with giving approval or not to the president’s appointments, has shown itself to often be unwilling to fight him; it’s one of the reasons most Republicans are so angry with them. But until now, he has only had the opportunity to appoint successors to liberal SCOTUS justices, so his appointments have not substantially changed the makeup of the Court. Nor, until now, has the GOP had the majority when he has appointed a SCOTUS justice. Plus, to have tried to block one of his past appointments would have meant the vacancy would have lasted for a long time. Now the time is relatively short.

What will happen? Past experience, even recent experience, is little guide, since a parallel situation has not presented itself before. In fact, Jeffrey Rosen of The New Republic has pointed out that this situation is unprecedented since the 1800s:

1895 was the last time a Democratic president nominated a justice facing a Republican Senate (44 Republicans joined 40 Democrats and six senators of other parties to approve Grover Cleveland’s nomination of Rufus Peckham). Since then, every other Democratic president with a Supreme Court vacancy faced a friendly Senate.

Why am I quoting someone writing for TNR, from the liberal perspective? For the simple reason that Rosen was very prescient in considering the question, since he wrote those words on November 3, 2014, in contemplation of the possibility that the GOP might gain control of the Senate on the very next day. And that’s exactly what happened.

More from Rosen:

Given the already toxic atmosphere in Congress over the politicization of the judiciary, some scholars are already predicting that Republicans will refuse to schedule hearings on President Obama’s Supreme Court nominees if they’re not “acceptable” to the GOP.

But there’s a more optimistic possibility: Democrats can point to bipartisan Supreme Court confirmations, like justices Clarence Thomas and Antonin Scalia, where they have voted for nominees with whom they disagree. And there is next to zero historical evidence of gridlock causing extended vacancies…Even Obama himself…suggested there would be pressure for Republicans to approve a nominee, saying that intense media coverage of SCOTUS nominations “means that some of the shenanigans…I think are more difficult to pull off during a Supreme Court nomination process.”

Oh, you can bet there will be pressure—from both sides. But since this vacancy would not be for an “extended” time, that argument of the Democrats would have less force. It would be hard to effectively argue that a 4-4 Court till the end of Obama’s term would be some sort of tragedy. The real question is the intent of the GOP-led Senate, and whether they are committed to staying the course. The good news is that McConnell has just issued the following statement, after extending condolences to the Scalia family and praise for Scalia:

The American people”Ž should have a voice in the selection of their next Supreme Court Justice. Therefore, this vacancy should not be filled until we have a new President.

Let’s see if he can stay the course.

Posted in Law, Liberals and conservatives; left and right, Politics | 19 Replies

Terrible news: Scalia found dead

The New Neo Posted on February 13, 2016 by neoFebruary 13, 2016

This is terrible terrible news on every level.

We are all hostages to fate, are we not?

First, tragic for Scalia’s friends and family.

Second, the left will be crowing and celebrating in the end zone, and you can easily see it already if you look at comments to the first articles about the event.

Third, Obama gets to appoint Scalia’s successor. That’s a very different thing than what people have long been speculating about, Ginsberg’s possible retirement and his appointment of her successor, because this event changes the entire makeup of the Court into a liberal one. It will deeply affect our entire country and the direction in which it goes.

Fourth, cue the conspiracy theories. This can only raise the temperature of the bitterly divisive hatred that’s become standard (and in many ways understandable) these days.

This is such a blow that I really feel at a loss right now.

RIP.

[ADDENDUM: It occurs to me that since the GOP controls Congress, they at least theoretically have the power to block Obama’s appointment of a successor until after the 2016 election, and if a Republican wins they might want to extend it until after the inauguration (in which case they also run the risk of a Democratic Senate being elected, which would probably then block any GOP president’s appointment of a successor). Whether the current GOP in the Senate will exercise their power to say no right now is another question. I’m going to have to research the question whether this has ever happened before; I’m not really conversant with the history on it, just offering possibilities here.]

[ADDENDUM II: Some reactions here from William Jacobson. And Glenn Reynolds points out that in 1968 the GOP delayed a SCOTUS appointment by blocking it with a filibuster, although they were in the minority at the time.

The potential nominee was Abe Fortas, and he was controversial enough that he may not have had majority support anyway, although we’ll never know. Other federal judge nominees have been blocked by minorities. However, right now the Senate is controlled by majority Republicans. That’s a very different kettle of fish. And this isn’t just a federal judge, this is a Supreme Court Justice. And the objection wouldn’t really be to a particular chice of Obama’s; it’s probably going to be about any of Obama’s picks, which would leave the Court at an 8-person level for quite a while.

Of course, we know that there’s no rule that the Supreme Court has to have nine members. That current number was set by an act of Congress in 1869 and has stood at that level ever since. FDR tried to expand on that with his court-packing scheme, but this would be something very, very different—an unofficial, and temporary, reduction in the number.]

[ADDENDUM: I have to add that if the current Senate doesn’t fight this, I think that really would be the end of the GOP. I know that Cruz will certainly be in there fighting. Of course, I also wonder how many people pay a particle of attention to this sort of thing. How the Senate rules actually work are somewhat arcane. How many voters even know the numbers in the current liberal/conservative split of the Court, for example, and what it all means?

Also, a commenter at Instapunit writes this: “Court doesn’t begin until October, and of course the election is 4 weeks later. The current session is pretty much over; only awaiting publication in June or so.” I’m not sure whether that matters; Obama and the Democrats will push the need to nominate and approve now for all they’re worth. And I’m not sure the commenter is correct; does that mean that opinions in all the current cases have been written already? Are posthumous opinions possible?]

Posted in Law, People of interest | 43 Replies

Had we but world enough, and time

The New Neo Posted on February 13, 2016 by neoFebruary 13, 2016

I just published a really, really, really long post.

And it’s really really cold outside today. But sunny, and I want to go out and enjoy it. I plan to come back to the blog later and post some more, after the sun has set (which still happens rather early). I probably will even post a bit on tonight’s debate (shudder).

Lately, it seems as though the problem is not too little to say here but too much. The topics are almost endless. But I don’t want my life to be taken over by this computer. That’s one of the reasons I don’t participate in social media at all. I’m still old-fashioned enough to think that real life is lived outside of this keyboard and this screen.

But what someone very close to me has called my “seething cranium” continues to seethe away. More so lately, when the situation seems even starker and graver than before on so many fronts.

So—later! I’m outta here, for now.

[NOTE: This post’s title is from one of the greatest poems in the world.]

Posted in Blogging and bloggers, Me, myself, and I | 4 Replies

Here’s that analysis of the Christie-Rubio bout, blow by blow—but it’s applicable to arguments in general

The New Neo Posted on February 13, 2016 by neoMarch 17, 2020

The research for this post started a day or two after the pre-NH debate, after I—like so many others—had watched Marco Rubio seemingly self-destruct and repeat himself over and over even though that’s exactly what Christie was attacking him for. It was hard to watch because he did seem programmed and unable to stop himself, but also puzzling, because I’ve seen Rubio in person handling questions from the crowd, and I know that he’s capable of more than that, a great deal more.

Whether you like Rubio as a candidate or not, agree with him or not, this behavior was just plain strange. He’s a law school graduate, for goodness’ sake, and whatever you may think of lawyers, they can speak cogently and extemporaneously. So can Rubio. There’s really no question about it.

I realized then and realize now that it almost doesn’t matter what actually happened or why, because perceptions count for so much in the world of politics (and elsewhere, too). And I’m well aware of the perception the incident engendered in watchers, because I was watching at that point, too, and had pretty much the same perception.

So I was curious. One of the biggest motivations for me in writing this blog is my own curiosity. A great many of my blog posts start with a question about something I don’t quite understand and want to understand better. So with Rubio, “well, I guess he must be a robot” made little sense to me, and that sent me to the transcript of the debate, the only other clue I had.

The result is this post. It’s long, and it’s late in the sense that the debate happened a full week ago. But people are still talking about it, and perceptions have hardened. The delay on my part was because it took a while to do the work, and also because originally my hope was to place the article elsewhere, and that takes time, too. But since it didn’t happen, I’m placing the gist of it right here, on my very own blog.

It’s long, but I’d like you to give it a hearing. And who knows, you might even find some of the information in it useful outside the realm of politics, in other arguments you have in your own life.

It’s based on some things I learned in MFT school long, long ago. Till then, when I had argued with people, it often felt like I was swimming in a sea of mud. One moment we’d be talking about one thing, the next moment something else, then back and forth till it seemed like one of those games of whack-a-mole.

It seems unlikely that a conceptual distinction could help with that sort of thing, but it sure helped me wade through that murky sea. I think it might have helped Rubio last Saturday night, too.

Now that I’ve whetted your appetite (I hope), the analysis follows.

When I was studying interpersonal communication and how to track an argument, one thing that was very much emphasized was the difference between content and process. Content is just what it sounds like: the subject matter about which two people (let’s say, a married couple) are arguing. “Did you do the dishes last night?” Process is everything else – for example, the emotion with which something is said, the type of vocabulary used, tone, repetition, body language, and the unspoken subtext.

Some of the most confusing disputes are the ones where one person begins an argument on the content level and the other person introduces a process rebuttal at some point. It can be especially tricky when someone switches back and forth between one level and the other in rapid succession. In the heat of the moment, the other person can fail to notice it, so that the person doing the switching gets at least one step ahead of the other.

I maintain that such a content-process switch was a large part of what happened between Christie and Rubio the other night. It usually happens fast enough that it can be hard to notice just by listening. So it’s instructive to go to the transcript and study it.

The Christie-Rubio exchange that caused all the commotion began with a question from moderator David Muir:

Muir: Senator Rubio. I want to stay on the issue of readiness to be president and experience and questions about you being a first-term senator.

Governor Christie warning voters here in New Hampshire against voting for another first-term senator as America did with Barack Obama in 2008. Arguing that you are, quote, “not ready to be president of the United States.” Tonight, what are your accomplishments in the Senate that demonstrate you are ready to be president of the United States?

So there was a very specific question posed to Rubio about his experience and status as a first-term senator, with an explicit reference to Christie’s previously having compared Rubio’s unreadiness with Obama’s (another first-term senator). In response, first Rubio quickly listed some of his own accomplishments, reminding the audience that not only was he a US senator but that he also was in the Florida legislature.

That part of the answer finished, Rubio then explained that length of service in the Senate is hardly a sufficient recommendation, using Joe Biden’ lengthy tenure there as an example. Then he went on to respond to Christie’s specific equating of his inexperience with Obama’s, as Muir had pointed out, and said that the problem with Obama was not inexperience:

And let’s dispel once and for all with this fiction that Barack Obama doesn’t know what he’s doing. He knows exactly what he’s doing. Barack Obama is undertaking a systematic effort to change this country, to make America more like the rest of the world.

That’s why he passed Obamacare and the stimulus and Dodd-Frank and the deal with Iran. It is a systematic effort to change America.

Rubio made an important and relevant point, which was that Christie has seriously misread the entire Obama presidency. Then the moderator asked Christie to respond, and Christie didn’t mention any of that; instead he talked about his thoughts and responsibilities as New Jersey’s governor, and about a governor’s accountability, and then called Rubio out on his absences from some Senate votes.

Then Christie added the following, comparing Rubio with Obama again, emphasizing it by saying it three times in two paragraphs [italics mine]:

”what we need to have in this country is not to make the same mistake we made eight years ago. The fact is it does matter when you have to make decisions and be held accountable for them”

I like Marco Rubio, and he’s a smart person and a good guy, but he simply does not have the experience to be president of the United States and make these decisions. We’ve watched it happen, everybody. For the last seven years, the people of New Hampshire are smart. Do not make the same mistake again.

That was quite a charge Christie was making: that somehow Rubio will be just like Obama because both are first-term senators. It was actually a somewhat nonsensical argument on Christie’s part, unless you believe – even at this late date – that Obama has done what he has done through lack of experience. And yet Christie not only apparently said something similar earlier (the Christie quote that Muir referred to in his original question to Rubio), but he now repeated it three times in one very short paragraph.

I believe that the offensiveness (and sheer transparent stupidity, actually) of the charge was what got Rubio churning: after all, Christie was making two errors in one. The first error was that Rubio was like Obama, but the second (and actually far more important, if a person was considering Christie for the presidency) was the error that Obama’s “mistakes” were mistakes that could be chalked up to inexperience, and that Obama did not know (I can’t help but say it this way, as Rubio did) exactly what he was doing.

And yet how many of you even noticed that that paragraph of Christie’s had preceded the first of Rubio’s repetitions? I’ll confess that if I noticed it at the time, I certainly didn’t remember it after the dramatic flurry that followed. To, it seemed that Rubio had merely been repeating himself for want of a better answer.

So, let’s go to what Rubio actually said. In the first paragraph of Rubio’s reply to Christie’s charges, he explained that the issue is not just experience or lack thereof, it’s about results. In other words, governors make executive decisions, but they shouldn’t just be judged on that simple fact, but rather on the results of their decisions. This was another content argument by Rubio:

Well, I think the experience is not just what you did, but how it worked out. Under Chris Christie’s governorship of New Jersey, they’ve been downgraded nine times in their credit rating. This country already has a debt problem, we don’t need to add to it by electing someone who has experience at running up and destroying the credit rating of his state.

So, after pointing out that records count more than mere experience, and criticizing Christie’s actual record on the budget as governor, Rubio then returned to Christie’s inexperienced-Rubio-Obama comparison—which, as we have seen, Christie himself has just done several times:

But I would add this. Let’s dispel with this fiction that Barack Obama doesn’t know what he’s doing. He knows exactly what he’s doing. He is trying to change this country. He wants America to become more like the rest of the world. We don’t want to be like the rest of the world, we want to be the United States of America. And when I’m elected president, this will become once again, the single greatest nation in the history of the world, not the disaster Barack Obama has imposed upon us.

So, the same accusations from Christie get essentially the same answer from Rubio. What Rubio was attempting to do with all of this was to answer the classic question about Obama: knave or fool? Christie was answering “fool,” and Rubio was insisting it’s “knave,” and that the difference is vital.

Christie responded this time by completely ignoring Rubio’s point, and pivoting to what governors do and what he believes he has done as governor:

Marco, the thing is this. When you’re president of the United States, when you’re a governor of a state, the memorized 30-second speech where you talk about how great America is at the end of it doesn’t solve one problem for one person. They expect you to plow the snow. They expect you to get the schools open. And when the worst natural disaster in your state’s history hits you, they expect you to rebuild their state, which is what I’ve done.

Notice that Christie has not only ignored Rubio’s point, but Christie has suddenly introduced a process argument into what until then had been a strictly content discussion. Moving to process is a technique that people often resort to in arguments when they have no adequate answer on content. Christie’s new criticism was that Rubio has given a canned response in a debate. But Rubio has never made the suggestion that a statement in a debate, memorized or not, would solve a single problem for a single person; he was merely repeating the gist of his earlier response as a corrective to Christie’s repeating his own flawed interpretation of Obama’s actions as president.

Rubio then seized on Christie’s content argument about Christie’s snow-plowing expertise as governor, rather than choosing to answer the process twist about Rubio’s rhetoric that Christie had just thrown into the mix. Rubio then tried once again to get Christie to finally respond to Rubio’s previous content charge about Obama’s real aims, or even to acknowledge it. So it was a two-pronged response, but both parts were about content (notice how he says “those are the facts”):

Chris, your state got hit by a massive snowstorm two weeks ago. You didn’t even want to go back. They had to shame you into going back”¦These are the facts.

Here’s the bottom line. This notion that Barack Obama doesn’t know what he’s doing is just not true. He knows exactly what he’s doing.

Rubio is fully capable of phrasing novel English sentences. The problem here was that Rubio was still so focused on content and on Christie’s failure to marshal a response about Obama that Rubio failed to make the switch to answering Christie’s process accusation.

Rubio instead would almost certainly have been more effective going to a process argument himself, for example highlighting the game Christie was playing by saying something to Christie on the order of, “You’re criticizing my style but you haven’t responded to the content of what I’m actually saying about Obama, and why it matters. You are evading the issue.” But Rubio was not thinking about the content/process distinction, and remained focused in frustration on the importance of the content.

Then Rubio tried again, rephrasing his point somewhat. This time, in an effort to explain why he’s repeating himself in seeming sound bites (the process argument), he added that the issue is important—although he might have also made still another more explicit process argument, addressing both Christie’s process allegations against him and making a process argument against Christie: “I’m repeating this not because I can’t think of other things to say, but because this is important and you’ve been repeating an error about it.”

Here’s what Rubio actually said [emphasis mine]:

Well, that’s the – that’s the reason why this campaign is so important. Because I think this notion – I think this is an important point. We have to understand what we’re going through here. We are not facing a president that doesn’t know what he’s doing. He knows what he is doing. That’s why he’s done the things he’s done.

That’s why we have a president that passed Obamacare and the stimulus. All this damage that he’s done to America is deliberate. This is a president that’s trying to redefine this country. That’s why this election is truly a referendum on our identity as a nation, as a people. Our future is at stake.

This election is not about the past. It is about what kind of country this is going to be in the 21st century, and if we elect someone like Barack Obama, a Hillary Clinton, a Bernie Sanders or anyone like that, our children are going to be the first Americans to inherit a diminishes country. That will not happen if I’m elected.

It’s similar, but not exactly the same words, athough some are the same. This time, for example, Rubio has added something important to the speech—he has mentioned Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders as the heirs of Obama, a relevant point since Obama will not be the nominee and one of those two is likely to be. Rubio has remained focused on trying to explain that Christie is wrong, and why that matters so much, and in doing so he does launch into some repetition. Although this repetition is in response to the fact that Christie first repeated his own folly about Obama, and then ignored Rubio’s points about it, it still is a repetition that plays into Christie’s process accusation.

Then Christie responded by entirely ignoring Rubio’s content once again, and again Christie went back to the topic of what governors do versus what senators do:

CHRISTIE: You know what the shame is ”” you know what the shame is, Marco? The shame is that you would actually criticize somebody for showing up to work, plowing the streets, getting the trains running back on time when you’ve never been responsible for that in your entire life.

Rubio, thus prompted by Christie’s new statement, pointed out once again that Christie was derelict about snow removal (the topic Christie has once again brought up). Then Christie defended himself on that score, and they went back and forth on it for a bit. Then the following exchange occurred (with Rubio echoing Christie’s word “shame” and throwing it back at him):

RUBIO: Chris, everybody – you said you weren’t going to go back. He told everyone he wasn’t going to go back. They had to shame him into going back. And when he decided to go back, he criticized the young lady, saying, what am I supposed to do, go back with a mop and clean up the flooding?

CHRISTIE: It gets very unruly when he gets off his talking points.

RUBIO: ”It’s your record, it’s not a talking point”

Here Rubio was criticizing Christie regarding his snow removal record (the sort of executive action Christie had already cited as experience relevant to the presidency, although that’s certainly not a task presidents ordinarily tackle—a content problem for Christie, but one that went unnoticed), and the exchange that followed about that topic was not a slam-dunk for Christie. So to distract listeners from the potentially damaging content, Christie again went back to process (and mockery): “It gets very unruly when he gets off his talking points.”

And Rubio again responded with the importance of content over process: “It’s your record, it’s not a talking point.”

In this exchange with Rubio, Christie—quite cleverly, in the rhetorical sense—repeatedly dodged the charges in terms of content by shifting to process. And Rubio was so focused on content that he didn’t realize he needed also to respond on the process level, and that his frustrated reiteration of his main point was feeding into Christie’s complaint about repetition. Most listeners probably did not even realize that Christie had not effectively answered Rubio’s main point about Obama, nor had Christie even made a single attempt to do so; he had merely repeated the suggestion that Obama’s errors were due to inexperience and Rubio would be similar, and that in turn could have been (and IMHO was) a large part of what was motivating Rubio to repeat himself.

Although a debate is not a courtroom, Christie’s skills at argument were honed years ago in that setting. After all, he was a federal prosecutor before he became a governor, having been appointed in 2001 by George W. Bush as U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey. However, on his appointment:

Some members of the New Jersey Bar professed disappointment at Christie’s lack of experience. At the time, he had never practiced in a federal courtroom before, and had little experience in criminal law.

By most accounts, Christie was an excellent and effective U.S. Attorney. But a look at his history before that appointment indicates that he, of all people, should know that prior experience or lack thereof is not necessarily the best way to tell how well a person will perform in a position. If lack of experience at the specific tasks of a job were all-important, Christie would have argued against his own appointment as U.S. Attorney, and he would never have had a chance to prove his mettle in that role.

Experience versus inexperience, as well as a comparison of types of experience, are valid issues to discuss and argue about in a debate. I believe that, although Rubio did take some time to defend his actual record, he should have gone into a lot more detail about that (in particular, his record in Florida as Speaker, which I don’t think many people are aware of). And although Rubio did attack Christie’s record on the budget and on snow removal, he could and should have gone into more detail on that, too. But he chose instead to focus on the issue he felt most important—which was the issue that indicated that experience isn’t all it’s cracked up to be, because despite being a two-term governor, Christie is still talking as though he’s essentially clueless about Obama, in order to score points about experience vs. inexperience being the great determiner of all.

So after hearing a rapid and heated emotional exchange in a debate, it’s always instructive to check the transcript before thinking you know what actually occurred. I realize that most people don’t, however. I realize that pivoting to a process criticism of your opponent when you have no content argument left often works, and that’s why Christie did it. I realize that Rubio does sometimes repeat himself, and he certainly did at that point. I realize that by now it’s almost certainly water over the dam.

But it’s not water over the dam for me. This is my report on what I found when I took a look, and taking a look changed my mind about what had really happened. It didn’t change my mind about its effect, though. When I state that rhetorical tricks shouldn’t win the day, I realize that I am being Hortonesque (“But it should be, it should be, it should be like that”). I realize they often do win the day, and that’s how the world works.

And please don’t think I’m saying that Rubio didn’t make an error by ignoring Christie’s process argument. He did. It was a terrifically effective argument because Rubio’s behavior played right into it. It’s just that I now have a different sense of why it happened, and I believe that the result is ironic because it was actually Rubio’s focus on an important content message that led him to his tactical error. Rubio should not only have addressed process explicitly, but should have mixed his content answers up more, and I think he’s fully capable of doing so. Everyone—everyone—who runs for office uses stump speeches, sound bites, and repetitive phrases and themes. But Rubio must now depart from that sort of thing more than the others, if he wants to gain back some of what he lost.

But it’s not just, or even mostly, about Rubio. It’s about debates themselves, and political speech, and argument. Really, if you think about it, this entire episode is a triumph of process over content.

Posted in Best of neo-neocon, Election 2016, Language and grammar | 11 Replies

My advice to Rubio for tomorrow night’s debate

The New Neo Posted on February 12, 2016 by neoFebruary 12, 2016

Tomorrow, you say? There’s another debate already?

Yes, more’s the pity (I don’t like debates).

So I’m offering the following as advice to Marco Rubio for the debate. I hope he gets it (and if any of you knows how to reach someone high up in his campaign with the information, feel free to do it or let me know how to do it).

In fact, this information may prove useful to you, or to anyone faced with an argument where the ground keeps shifting and your find yourself playing a game of whack-a-mole and losing.

It’s based on some things I learned in school long, long ago. Till then, when I’d argued with people I’d often felt like I was swimming in a sea of mud. One moment we’d be talking about one thing, the next moment something else, then back and forth and back and forth. It seem unlikely that a conceptual distinction could help, but it sure helped me wade through that murky muck.

So, here’s the advice for how to avoid a trap like that in the future:

(1) Arguments can be about content (facts/events) or process (for example: tone, repetition, name-calling).

(2) In Saturday’s debate, Christie had no effective content rejoinder to Rubio’s point about Obama, so Christie switched to a process argument about Rubio’s style.

(3) When your opponent switches to a process argument, you must (a) recognize that’s what happened; and (b) respond directly and quickly with a comment exposing the game behind the process argument before returning to content. For example, Rubio might have said to Christie: “You’re criticizing my way of talking, but that’s to distract us from the fact that you haven’t responded to my point about Obama’s intentions, and that’s why I repeated myself.”

(4) Never let a process argument go unanswered, but then return quickly to content.

That’s it, folks.

It’s based on a lengthy and detailed analysis I’ve done of the Christie/Rubio dust-up in last week’s debate, blow by blow. The content/process dynamic was sharply revealed when I took a close look. One day soon I’ll get to posting my report on that longer and closer look—because people are still talking about what happened, and I have a different take on it than most. But I thought I’d keep this one short.

[ADDENDUM: I want to clarify one thing. My basic analysis of what happened with Rubio in that exchange with Christie is that Rubio got stuck in a content loop while, with mounting frustration, he kept trying to get Christie to respond on content about Obama. Meanwhile, Christie never answered on content and had switched to process. Rubio kept trying to hold Christie’s feet to the content fire and ignored Christie’s process accusations, to Rubio’s detriment.]

Posted in Election 2016, Language and grammar | 36 Replies

Sweden: where starry-eyed multi-culti generosity meets harsh reality

The New Neo Posted on February 12, 2016 by neoFebruary 12, 2016

Here’s an interesting article in Foreign Policy on the situation facing Sweden in its attempt to absorb the recent wave of Syrian/Iraqi/Afghan newcomers.

Reading the first third or so of the article almost made me stop reading it. Although the general topic interests me, the author seemed to be blaming Europe for not being more magnanimous, and also appeared to be making some false analogy to WWII refugees—who may indeed have been from other countries, but who nevertheless were part of the same basic Judeo-Christian culture as the Swedes and held pretty much the same values.

But then the article shifted gear and got a lot more interesting:

Diana Janse, a former diplomat and now the senior foreign policy advisor to the Moderate Party (which Swedes view as “conservative”), pointed out to me that some recent generations of Swedish refugees, including Somalis, had been notably unsuccessful joining the job market. How, she wondered, will the 10,000-20,000 young Afghan men who had entered Sweden as “unaccompanied minors” fare? How would they behave in the virtual absence of young Afghan women? But she could barely raise these questions in political debate. “We have this expression in Swedish, asiktskorridor,” she said. “It means ”˜opinion corridor’ ”” the views you can’t move outside of.” Merely to ask whether Sweden could integrate Afghans today as it had Bosnians two decades before was to risk accusations of racism.

I’d never heard the term “opinion corridor” before, but I’m certainly familiar with the concept. And Europe must be far worse than the US in that respect.

The author then goes on to interview a refugee arriving in Malmo—and this refugee really is a refugee, because he’s a Yazidi from Iraq. As such, he seems to not be aware that, now that he’s in Sweden, he might be crossing the boundaries of the Swedish opinion corridor when he says this:

I asked Edo why he didn’t stay in Diyarbakir. Krit relayed my question, and then replied, in a whisper, “He says, `I can not live with Muslims.’” I pointed out that Diyarbakir was a largely Kurdish city. Krit, amused, said to me, “You have the black dog and the white dog, but they’re both dogs.” Given Swedish hypersensitivity to ethnic stereotyping, I’m hoping that Edo did not try out that expression at his asylum interview.

The following is how Sweden is “vetting” its immigrants. It is apparent that the policy is dangerously—almost insanely—naive [emphasis mine]:

The Swedish Migration Agency is responsible for deciding who does and does not receive asylum. The agency assumes that anyone fleeing Syria has a well-founded fear of persecution or death, and thus automatically accepts such applications. Large majorities of Iraqis and Afghans are also accepted. Sweden does not take economic migrants; for this reason, authorities deny almost all migrants from Albania or Kosovo. At the same time, Sweden has made only the most modest efforts to ensure that rejected applicants actually leave.

I suggest you read the whole thing.

But there is evidence that more Swedes are entering the no-go zone of the opinion corridor:

Back at the Red Cross station, opinion was surprisingly anti-refugee, including among volunteers. The translator said that he did not believe many of the new arrivals would ever be able to integrate into Sweden’s liberal, individualistic society. A border policeman told me, “Last summer, my grandmother almost starved to death in the hospital, but the migrants get free food and medical care. I think a government’s job is to take care of its own people first, and then, if there’s anything left over, you help other people.” I had heard the same view a few months earlier in Hungary, the country in Europe most outspokenly hostile to refugees ”” the anti-Sweden. Europe has not experienced economic growth in almost a decade. One could hardly think of a worse moment to ask citizens to make sacrifices on behalf of outsiders.

I’ll close with this startling fact:

Unlike Americans, Swedes do not raise the subject of terrorism when they question the virtues of accepting asylum-seekers. I arrived in the country days after the Paris attacks, and I expected to hear a pitched battle over the dangers to national security posed by the newcomers. Scarcely anyone raised the issue. Sweden has not suffered a serious attack on its soil; the national mood could change very quickly if it did. But the issue that is raised ”” in Sweden as in Germany, Hungary, and all over Europe ”” is national integration.

As I said, the whole thing is worth reading, if you can get past the first third.

Posted in Immigration, Religion | 26 Replies

Harry Reid…

The New Neo Posted on February 12, 2016 by neoFebruary 12, 2016

…has words of praise for Trump.

Harry Reid has many reasons for being somewhat nice to Trump. Let’s see what they might be:

(a) Trump has praised him and given him money in the past.
(b) He might want Trump’s business some day in Nevada.
(c) He probably thinks Trump would be the easiest of the leading GOP opponents to beat.
(d) He believes Trump is also the most liberal of the leading GOP opponents, the one most likely to compromise or even sympathize with the Democrats on quite a few of their causes.

Posted in Election 2016, Trump | 54 Replies

At this point, Ben Carson is just damaging himself

The New Neo Posted on February 12, 2016 by neoFebruary 12, 2016

Shortly after last Saturday night’s GOP debate, I wrote this about Ben Carson’s performance during that debate:

Until this debate, Ben Carson had been the most consistently likable person of all, whatever you may think of his qualifications to be president. Personally, I think he’d make a pretty good one if he was pressed into service (fast learner, calm temperament, basic conservative), but that’s the only way he could be nominated at this point and it’s not going to happen. And last Saturday night at the debate’s beginning, he seemed to be demonstrating he seemed to be demonstrating his stellar personal attributes: he responded to one of the “gotcha” questions near the outset by saying he wasn’t going to attack other Republicans and quoted Reagan’s eleventh commandment, which made me feel a sense of relief that maybe it wouldn’t be one of those MSM-guided attack fests after all””and then Carson proceeded to do just that to Ted Cruz, in a slightly subtle way that came across to me as snide and sneaky and passive-aggressive.

In other words, he said he wouldn’t do something and then proceeded to do it. That was the first time Carson seemed like an ordinary politician to me, and it didn’t enhance him in my eyes. For me, it was a surprise and a disappointment that set me on edge at the outset.

Each of the candidates has (or should have) a leitmotif, a raison d’etre as a candidate, a need to answer the question “Who are you and why should I choose you rather that the others?” For example, Trump’s answer is I do stuff, and I can talk about things without worrying about propriety. Bush’s is I’m the reliable steady one, the grownup. Cruz’s is, I’m the smart conservative and I won’t change in midstream. Rubio’s is I’m the young energetic guy who can inspire people. I could go on and on (Kasich is obviously I balanced a budget!), but you get the idea.

Carson is the one who has demonstrated extreme competence in a very stressful and difficult-to-master field, but he’s also been the guy with integrity who doesn’t play petty games. He’s lost the latter part of that distinction, and what’s more he’s not doing well in the polls. Like Christie and Fiorina, he should drop out. But he seems to have no intention of doing so:

Retired neurosurgeon Ben Carson said Friday morning that South Carolina will be “the turning point” for his flagging presidential campaign.

“It’s a long race. It’s a nine-inning game, we don’t call it after the second inning,” Carson told MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” hosts. “We’re going to do just fine and I think South Carolina will be the turning point.”…

Carson said the tactics by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) during the Iowa caucus nights were “despicable” but “water under the bridge.”

There it is again: the stab that masquerades as a holier-than-thou forgiveness. Unconvincing. If it’s water under the bridge, refuse to talk about it anymore.

What motivates Carson at this point? Perhaps he thinks he really does have a chance in South Carolina, a state with a lot of evangelicals. But if he thinks he’s got a chance nationwide, I’m afraid he’s somewhat delusional. I believe that sometimes candidates get hooked on the adulation and the bully pulpit, the crowds and the love, and the widespread news coverage. Maybe it’s a bit of that for Carson, too.

Or maybe it’s that he knows the candidate he hurts most by staying in the race is Ted Cruz.

At this point, the graceful and decent thing for Carson to do would be to bow out. That goes also for Kasich, who at least has the excuse of having done very well in NH, even though I don’t think he’s got a chance overall. That would, of course, leave Bush as Mr. Establishment. He did far better than Carson in NH but also has the excuse of having a national presence (and plenty of money, as the designated establishment choice).

But I wish they’d all drop out except Trump, Cruz, and Rubio (actually, come to think of it, I wish Trump would drop out, which would be absurd of him unless he really doesn’t want to be president). And then, after South Carolina or perhaps the next state or two, I wish whoever seems the weakest (my guess is that it would be Rubio, but that could change) would drop out and leave just a two-man race.

But you know what? My wishes don’t always come true.

Posted in Election 2016 | 17 Replies

RIP Violette Verdy

The New Neo Posted on February 11, 2016 by neoFebruary 11, 2016

Last night I got the urge to see a clip of the ballet “Dances at a Gathering,” which is on the short list of my favorite ballets of all time. It was choreographed by the musical theater and dance genius (that is not an exaggeration; more like an understatement) Jerome Robbins in 1969.

I saw it then with the original cast on which it was choreographed, and about five more times in the next few years, and I count each experience as peak. It was dance as radiance and transcendence. Set to a series of Chopin pieces for piano—a single piano accompaniment is somewhat cliched these days, but back then it was a revelation—the choreography was the near-perfect (perhaps the perfect) realization of the glorious music by Chopin. For me it was an hour that went all too fast.

Then at some point it left the NYCB repertoire—I saw it again with a subsequent cast, and it was not the same, but it was still great—and later a lot of the original dancers retired. Time marched on, and I noticed that it was rarely produced by other dance companies. But I remembered.

YouTube has no videos of the original. It doesn’t even have many videos of revivals, and for some reason most of them are from the Paris Opera Ballet. There is even a full-length version from POB, but it’s hard for me to watch because the images in my memories interfere, and the video is so inferior to what I remember that the contrast almost makes me weep, even though I suppose if you never saw the original you’d think the new one quite fine.

Here’s one of the very best excerpts by POB, of one of the very best portions of the ballet. I think if you watch it you will see what I mean about the merging of choreography and music in a seamless whole. My curmudgeonly and nitpicky observation, though, is that the original dancers did the bravura moves with such abandon, such wild recklessness and beauty, that they made the audience gasp with delight. No such animal here, although it’s still very lovely:

Thinking of “Dances at a Gathering” got me to thinking of one member of the original cast, Violette Verdy, who played the girl in green. No one has ever equaled her in the role, and I don’t see how anyone ever could. It was built on her quicksilver musicality, perfect phrasing, and infectious charm. I started searching to see if there were any new YouTube videos of her old clips, and suddenly noticed in the comments section of an old video of her the word “RIP.”

How odd, I thought; some misinformed person thinks she’s dead.

And then I saw the news that she had died on February 8, 2016. No!!!! I practically screamed, and put my head down in sorrow.

I knew Verdy was in her 80s, and I know people can’t live forever. But it’s sad to think that her shining, sparkling light is gone from the world.

There were obituaries and tributes; I’m not the only one who remembers. And fortunately, there are photos and videos of her talking. Watching and hearing her converse, even as an elderly person, was almost as enjoyable as watching her dance had been—she had that wonderful a quality of lightness and depth at the same time. Here is Verdy talking, just about two years ago, at 80:

In her memory I ask that you read a post I wrote about her last September, and that you watch the videos there. I don’t think you’ll be sorry. In it, I wrote about a certain video of another dancer doing one of the parts choreographed on Verdy and meant to showcase Verdy’s unique qualities:

…[A]s you watch the dance (which is only about two minutes long) it is as though you can see the ghost of Verdy’s movement peering through the choreography…

I said her shining, sparkling light is gone from the world. But it strikes me that it’s an odd but wonderful thing that her presence, the “ghost of Verdy’s movement,” still shines through in the choreography that was made on her. And the ghost of that extraordinary choreographer, Jerome Robbins (who died in 1998), can be seen there, too.

O chestnut tree, great rooted blossomer,
Are you the leaf, the blossom or the bole?
O body swayed to music, O brightening glance,
How can we know the dancer from the dance?

Posted in Dance, Me, myself, and I, People of interest | 4 Replies

The strategy against Trump: can it work?

The New Neo Posted on February 11, 2016 by neoMarch 2, 2016

John Hinderaker opines as follows:

The other candidates have spent months jockeying to be the alternative to Trump. The idea was that at some point, Trump’s campaign would implode and the nomination would go to whoever was still standing as the alternative.

It seems clear now that this strategy won’t work. Trump isn’t going away. It is hard to imagine a scenario that would cause his campaign to collapse. (What, he might say something dumb or inflammatory? He might be sternly chastised by Democratic Party reporters? Or some peccadillo could come to light?) So the remaining candidates are going to have to go after Trump and convince voters that they are the the best in the race, not the best other than Trump.

My sense is that the vast majority of Trump’s 1/3 of GOP voters are locked in. They’re not going to desert him. But the others are up for grabs, and that constitutes 2/3 of the GOP voters. That fact explains why the other candidates are for the most part not going after Trump, at least they’re not doing it until they reach the point where there’s one or two of them left standing. Until then, they have seen their path to victory as knocking the rest of the field out of the way and scooping up over 2/3 of the remaining 2/3 of voters.

Unfortunately for those who would like Trump to not get the nomination, in the meantime Trump is amassing delegates and each of the un-Trump candidates is hurting the others, weakening them. It’s something like a weirdo version of The Tragedy of the Commons, although this battle isn’t over scarce resources (unless you consider the electors resources, but that’s not really a proper analogy, either). As in the Tragedy of the Commons, the un-Trump candidates are all “acting independently and rationally according to their own self-interest” and yet behaving “contrary to the best interests of the whole”—that is, if they’re assuming that defeating Donald Trump is in the best interests of the whole.

Psychologists and counselors sometimes ask people to play cooperative board games to get to a common goal, and their strategies are studied. Usually the games pit self-interest against cooperation, and people have choices. The question can be whether people will act in their own perceived self-interest at the expense of their long-term interests, which would best be served by cooperation in the game. The 2016 campaign has become an example of one of those games of choice—and politicians are not exactly known for acting against their own self-interest.

Posted in Election 2016, Trump | 36 Replies

David Brooks is still in love with the crease in Obama’s pants

The New Neo Posted on February 11, 2016 by neoAugust 4, 2018

David Brooks is the supposedly-conservative guy who writes for the NY Times and originally fell in love with Obama’s pants leg. You may remember:

“I remember distinctly an image of “we were sitting on his couches, and I was looking at his pant leg and his perfectly creased pant,” Brooks says, “and I’m thinking, a) he’s going to be president and b) he’ll be a very good president.” In the fall of 2006, two days after Obama’s The Audacity of Hope hit bookstores, Brooks published a glowing Times column. The headline was “Run, Barack, Run.”¦

That’s one of the most astounding examples of superficial thinking I’ve ever seen from a person who seems to want to be taken seriously as pundit and thinker. It struck me today when I read the following that Brooks has never retreated from that position (or at least the gist of it) even after these seven long years:

On Tuesday, establishment Republican favorite columnist David Brooks of The New York Times wrote a column called “I Miss Barack Obama.” In it, he pilloried Senators Marco Rubio, R-Fla., and Ted Cruz, R-Texas, and lamented that Obama “radiates an ethos of integrity, humanity, good manners and elegance that I’m beginning to miss.”

Just astounding.

[ADDENDUM: And then there’s this: David Brooks ♥ Obama and Niebuhr.]

Posted in Obama, Press | 37 Replies

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