Why pay attention to a primary in a tiny state like New Hampshire? Is it just that it’s the primary primary in terms of the calendar? Doesn’t that mean it has a disproportionate influence? And isn’t its population not only small, but non-representative?
The answers are pretty much “yes.” But still, along with Iowa (which is a caucus), it’s the only real-world evidence we have so far. And like it or not, New Hampshire creates a buzz and provides momentum. In that case, Trump supporters must be very very happy.
As someone who most definitely does not support Trump, I am hoping for dropouts, the sooner the better, and lots of them. The greater the number of people who think they’re still in the running, the greater the number of people who will hang on. Even though Kasich, for example, has hardly a chance long-term, why would he drop out now? And certainly Bush won’t. Ben Carson, who paid little attention to NH and has barely reached 2% there, appears to be headed for South Carolina, the next primary state, where he is polling better.
Fiorina was one of my early favorites, and though it makes me sad to say it, she didn’t catch on and she won’t catch on, and I was about to add that she needs to give up and give others a chance—something I happen to think Carson should also do. But I just learned that she has dropped out, which shows good judgment, although I actually think she should have done it before New Hampshire.
In a post I put up about two hours ago, I mentioned that Christie should drop out, and reiterated an earlier statement of mine that on Saturday night, “Christie was like a drowning man who reaches out to another person and tries to pull him under too.” Sure enough, Christie has just announced his departure from the race. Good riddance.
I predict that South Carolina will be a repeat of NH, except that Kasich’s number two spot will probably go to Ted Cruz, and the rest of the vote will be split among what I will now start to call the moderate candidates: Bush and Rubio in particular (Rubio being more conservative than Bush, but less conservative than Cruz), with Kasich doing very poorly there. Carson will do somewhat better (if he stays in, which I think he will do).
It all comes down, however, to who will drop out and when, and where will their votes go. If it comes down to three people, for example—Trump and two others, let’s say Cruz and Rubio, or it could be Cruz and Bush—what happens? Do the voters split into roughly even thirds, and do they then limp on like that in an uneasy troika, right up to the finish line and perhaps a brokered convention? Or does one non-Trump person pull ahead by drawing most of the votes of the dropouts? Has a controversial candidate such as Trump already attracted most of the people who might ever be persuaded to vote for him, or can he appeal to significantly more as the field winnows and get the nomination?
I have been disturbed but not surprised that the field hasn’t winnowed so very much yet. I fear that self-interest on the part of each candidate, and deep pockets for some, argue against its happening soon enough. Who would be the candidate[s] willing to take one for the team? As Matthew Yglesias points out:
The establishment’s consistent dream, ever since Trump rocketed into a national polling lead, has been that consolidation of the “establishment lane” candidates will lead eventually some someone from the Rubio/Bush/Christie/Kasich foursome taking a strong lead. The problem for the establishment is that New Hampshire is the only state where this would have actually worked. Had supporters of those four men all united behind a single candidate, he would have won.
But they didn’t…
So far, the establishment has been trying to beat Trump with wishful thinking. It keeps not working. Trump could self-destruct or drop out for no reason at all. He could be abducted by aliens. Who knows? But merely hoping for those things is not a plan. The plain reality is that right now he is on course to win the nomination unless some concerted effort is made to stop him. And so far, there’s no sign that any such effort is underway. Republican leaders not actively involved in the campaign simply seem baffled and stunned into indifference. And they’re running out of time.
.
If it’s any consolation (and to me it is not), the same muddled incompetence that the establishment GOP has shown in fighting the Democrats it now shows in fighting for its own survival. That argues in favor of “fools” in the “fools vs. knaves” controversy (some, of course, would say “both”).
Too many cooks spoil the pot. Too many candidates spoil the—GOP chances? If the all-powerful much-feared-and-hated “establishment” could coalesce around one candidate (the un-Trump, the anti-Trump), their candidate would have a decent chance of wining, perhaps a good chance. But at the moment, it seems most likely that by the time the South Carolina primary is over, the leading non-Trump candidate would be—if numbers are what you’re looking at—Ted Cruz. After all, he won Iowa, he came in third to Trump and the anomalous Kasich in NH, and he will probably come in second to Trump in South Carolina.
David French explains why his NH primary showing was even better for Cruz than it seems. It has to do with what he was up against, and how little effort he expended:
First, Cruz spent just 27 days in New Hampshire, about half the number of Bush and Fiorina. Kasich and Christie both spent more than 70 days, and even Rubio was in New Hampshire more than Cruz. Even more importantly, Cruz spent very few resources on New Hampshire: Less than $1 Million combined between the campaign and SuperPACs. Compare that to Bush, whose combined efforts spent $35 Million in New Hampshire, while Christie spent $18 Million, Rubio $15 Milllion and Kasich $12 Million. All of them were beaten by Cruz in a state that was supposed to be a bad fit for him. Cruz enters the South Carolina primary with by far the largest war chest of any GOP candidate in hard campaign dollars and has by far the most extensive grassroots fundraising network to add to that total. Furthermore, he’s best organized candidate in the coming states in the “SEC Primary” March 1, and is the only candidate in the field right now who definitely has the resources and organization to compete throughout the primary season. A Southern supporter of Trump’s recently lamented that “Cruz is actually running the perfect [expletive] campaign” and while there are still many roadblocks in his way Cruz’s pathway to the nomination has never looked clearer.
The dilemma for the establishment is that Ted Cruz is not their guy. If you ask who they dislike more, Trump or Cruz, the answer would almost certainly be Cruz.
That argues against their backing Cruz, but if they don’t it would play into Trump’s hands. Common wisdom would say that a two-person race is more likely than a three-person race to lead to the defeat of Trump, but if the two people are Trump and Cruz, then the establishment is likely to want a third. It almost doesn’t matter who it is, but Bush would be the obvious choice, or perhaps Kasich (despite the fact that he’s less popular than Bush). Rubio could be a sort of honorary establishment choice, because he’s a bit too conservative to be a natural for them, but they probably would take him in a pinch. His trajectory was halted by the drowning Chris Christie, though, and it’s unclear whether he can start the climb again.
[NOTE: Here’s a good piece on the prospects.]
[ADDENDUM: Here’s Carly’s farewell message, which is excellent. Hint: it’s not exactly farewell, although she is indeed dropping out of the running.]


