I’ve already written about yesterday’s SCOTUS decision in which the majority said that the 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibits employers from firing gay or transgender people because of those traits. But I want to add some further thoughts.
In Justice Alito’s dissent, he wrote this summary of what the Court was asked to do, and I think it states the situation quite well:
Many will applaud today’s decision because they agree on policy grounds with the Court’s updating of Title VII. But the question in these cases is not whether discrimination because of sexual orientation or gender identity should be outlawed. The question is whether Congress did that in 1964.
This outcome of this case underlines larger principles. The first is one I’ve discussed many times before: content vs. process. People who are applauding the content, which is the expansion of LGBT rights, are ignoring the process. Alito is emphasizing that accomplishing this end through a tortured and unjustified re-interpretation of the 1964 bill is the wrong process, and a dangerous one at that. It appeals to emotion rather than cognition, and ignores the long-term negatives of achieving a goal this way. At least theoretically, either side could use arguments like this to circumvent the protections built into the Constitution, protections that involve the separation of powers.
The left is far less threatened by the precedent of overreach, because the left knows conservatives are ordinarily big on process and are less likely to do that. Conservatives tend to hold the line rather than invent rights that never existed before (such as liberals did in Roe).
For liberal judges to justify what they do is easy. For supposedly conservative judges who want to vote with the liberals it’s harder. But where there’s a will there’s a way (for example, Roberts is a master of the technique, Humpty Dumpty-esque in his ability to find his own meanings in words).
And if judges and SCOTUS justices can do it, why not everyone else? Journalists certainly have no trouble with it, so that the LA Times op-ed headline reads, “The Supreme Court victory for LGBTQ rights is also a triumph for the rule of law.” The first part of that title is correct, the second incorrect. The op-ed (but perhaps not the title?) was written by the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, and the reasoning is similar to that of the majority opinion. The vast majority of people reading that op-ed won’t even understand the conservative argument against it, much less agree with it.
The decision is certainly not a triumph for one of the most important principles of our Constitution, separation of powers, but that phrase doesn’t appear in the piece. The fact that the proper route to have achieved this same “victory for LGBT rights” is the Congressional one – an approach which has been tried but so far has been unsuccessful – is completely lost in the celebration over the outcome.
I think for conservatives the really hard thing about this decision is twofold. One is that the twists of reasoning that Gorsuch and Roberts had to go through to get to their desired result are unusually convoluted. The other is that although conservatives are used to Roberts voting with the liberals, so much so that he has almost become a swing vote, the defection of Gorsuch was unexpected.
Many people are puzzled and angered by the tendency of liberal judges never to defect from the liberal line while conservative judges often do. I’m really not puzzled by it, and I don’t ascribe to the usual conspiracy or “stab in the back” theories to explain it. I actually think it’s rather simple.
Justices are human beings, and human beings have a strong tendency to rationalize cutting corners to get where they want to go emotionally. Judges and SCOTUS justices are hardly above that urge, and what’s more, they are given enormous power. If an ordinarily or previously conservative judge has sympathy/empathy for a cause – let’s say it’s the right of a gay person not to be fired for being gay, which is a principle with which many if not most Americans would agree, as long as religious rights are preserved – then that judge just might try to find a rationale and/or rationalization for getting there. Judges are good, really really good, at argument. And so, in their haste to reach that goal, and succumbing to the temptation that is always present when a person is given great power, they sometimes find a reason to justify the result they want. They then tell themselves they’ve done the right thing. Their conservative colleagues who hold the line (Alito, Thomas, and Kavanaugh in this case) are seen by much of the public as the old meanies who are out to harm gay and trans people. That’s a difficult position to be in.
The poet Shelley famously wrote that “poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world,” a sentiment I’ve never quote understood. I don’t think he meant it the way I would rephrase it, which is that emotions drive a great deal of what passes as reasoning. Judges are not poets. But judges have become the true “unacknowledged legislators of the world.”
[ADDENDUM: See also this for my take on the “Bill vs. Amy” argument presented here.]
