The NY Times observes:
Anyone who hoped that Iran’s nuclear agreement with the United States and other powers portended a new era of openness with the West has been jolted with a series of increasingly rude awakenings over the past few weeks.
On Tuesday, the eve of the 36th anniversary of the student takeover of the American Embassy in Tehran, state television announced the arrest of a Lebanese-American missing for weeks ”” after he had been invited here by the government. He has been accused of spying.
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader, said the “Death to America” slogan is eternal. New anti-American billboards in Tehran include a mockery of the Iwo Jima flag-raising photograph that symbolized Marine sacrifice in World War II. And an Iranian knockoff version of K.F.C., the chicken chain widely associated with the United States, was summarily closed after two days.
“It feels like a witch hunt,” said one Iranian-American businessman in Tehran, who dared not speak for attribution over fear for his safety. “It’s pretty scary.”
Yes, it is. And pretty predictable.
The Times writers begin their piece with “Anyone who hoped…”, but they don’t go on to say who these vain hopers were. Might they have included the editorial staff of the NY Times?
The day after the Iran deal—which the Times supported, with some reservations—this editorial appeared in the paper:
In theory, Iran’s decision to submit to strict limits on its nuclear activities provides a chance for cooperation on other issues. By lifting crippling international economic sanctions in return for the nuclear restraints, the deal could strengthen the hand of the moderates in Iran. But if the economic benefits don’t flow quickly enough, hopes for an end to economic hardship could be dashed, discrediting the moderates and boosting the hard-liners.
In the negotiations, Mr. Obama was right to keep the focus on restraining the nuclear program. Now that the deal is done, Mr. Obama plans to encourage Iran, which has an abysmal human rights record and is exerting influence through proxies in Syria, Yemen, Lebanon and elsewhere, to take a more constructive path, though there are no guarantees that Iran will be less disruptive in the future. On issues of human rights, terrorism and ballistic missiles, sanctions under United States law will remain in place indefinitely to keep pressure on Iran. The administration needs to be vigilant about exercising that leverage.
“In theory” covers a lot, doesn’t it? Unfortunately, it almost certainly does not cover hard reality.
So it seems that even the Times appeared to realize that Iran’s softening was hardly in the bag. However, the paper’s editors were among those who expressed some hope that Obama and the deal would make it happen. And then, of course, those sanctions concerning human rights, terrorism, and ballistic missiles were still in place, “indefinitely.” Right?
Not if Khamenei has anything to say about them (as of about two weeks ago):
Iran will consider any sanctions imposed upon it during the next eight years, including those relating to human rights and terrorism concerns, to be a violation of the nuclear agreement and will as a result stop complying with the deal, supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared Wednesday.
In a letter to President Hasan Rouhani, Khamenei delivered his verdict on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) reached last July between Iran, the U.S. and five other powers, and laid down his conditions for acceptance.
“During the eight-year period imposition of any sanctions at any level and under any pretexts (including the repeated and fabricated pretexts of terrorism and human rights) by any of the negotiating countries [the U.S., Britain, France, Russia, China and Germany] will be considered a violation of the JCPOA,” he wrote.
This would therefore oblige the government to “stop JCPOA activities,” he added.
And a big f-you to you, says Khamenei to Obama.
An agreement is only as good as the good faith of the negotiating parties, plus the teeth behind it. This agreement clearly never had any good faith on the part of the Iranians, and few teeth on the part of the US (at least, while Obama is in office). That was apparent and obvious to anyone who looked.
Today’s Times article observes:
Many proponents of the nuclear accord, in both countries, have suggested that a gradual improvement in relations was inevitable. Some even foresaw a shift in the region, shaped by collaboration between the United States and Iran to bring peace, coupled with an eased enmity that could embolden President Hassan Rouhani to open up the country.
While Mr. Rouhani promised more freedoms when he was elected two years ago, he has taken only a few cosmetic steps.
Now, as the autumn leaves are falling in Tehran, there are no signs that bolder changes are coming. On the contrary, a backlash appears to be underway, promoted by Mr. Rouhani’s hard-line adversaries in the government who are deeply skeptical of the United States and its allies.
The backlash comes as Iran is preparing for parliamentary elections in February that constitute a litmus test of Mr. Rouhani’s policies. It seems that hard-liners, using the intelligence unit of the Revolutionary Guards Corps, have started rounding up journalists, activists and cultural figures, as a warning that the post nuclear-deal period cannot lead to further relaxation or political demands.
Again, note that the Times doesn’t see fit to tell us who those “proponents of the nuclear accord” who thought softening was “inevitable” might be. The Times itself, although definitely a strong proponent of the accord in general, was always hedging its bets in terms of what would happen: maybe yes, maybe no, and certainly not “inevitable.” As the Times notes, there was no dearth of people who did think moderation would flow from this deal, however, and many of them used that as a prime motivation for the signing of the deal in the first place.
It never made any sense. Giving into a regime such as Iran’s—and this deal has been widely regarded as having done exactly that—emboldens it rather than forcing it into concessions. Giving it more money does the same. It is folly to think otherwise. Perhaps in the long run—the very very long run—something will happen to change the human rights situation for the better in Iran. But it’s not likely to be as a result of this deal, and certainly not soon. Au contraire.