Blogger Sultan Knish (Daniel Greenfield) tackles a topic that seems to be on everyone’s minds lately: whether the way to go in order to combat today’s Democratic Party (otherwise known as the Left) is to follow the strict letter of the Constitution, or if we should wink at that Constitution in order to save it.
Greenfield sets up the idea that Obama has changed the rules of the game by abusing his power. In evaluating Trump’s appeal, Greenfield makes it clear that he does not necessarily think Trump can or will do what he says he can, or that he’s a person who even means what he says. But that is not so relevant when looking at his appeal to people who have become profoundly disillusioned with and angry at the current state of affairs.
It’s certainly not just about Trump, either. It’s about how best to fight the left and win. I would add that I think it’s only been in the last few years of the Obama administration that more people on the right have become alarmed at this, and have recognized the power of the left and the vast inroads it has already made. Until recently, the right was for the most part living in a dreamworld about that, and some on the right still are. Again, the question is what to do about it. Greenfield puts it this way:
How do you uphold a liberal open system while fighting an illiberal left for control of it?
There are no easy answers. And most of the easy ones come down to messaging. But simply making a better argument isn’t enough when the left flagrantly abuses power.
It’s not simply a question of getting a Republican in the White House. Reagan and Bush II were both in the White House. How much did they really get done? Bush II had a Republican congress. But the left simply shifts power and legitimacy to whatever institutions it controls, elected or unelected, and then governs from there.
I agree with the last sentence—or, at least, with the prediction that if a Republican president and a Republican Congress were to be elected then the left would try to shift power and to govern from whatever institutions it does control (and they are many—for example, the press).
But I have some things I’d like to add to the rest of the paragraph. Of course, it’s not simply a question of getting a Republican in the White House. But what of Reagan and Bush II? Reagan was hampered by the fact that, although he had a slight Republican advantage in the Senate (until he lost it in the last two years of his presidency), Democrats strongly controlled the House for the entire eight years of his presidency. So he is not an example of a Republican president and a Republican Congress, and what the combination might be able to accomplish.
And what about Bush II’s Republican Congress? As with Reagan, Democrats were in control of Congress for the last two years of the Bush II presidency. What’s more, for the first four years, the Senate was essentially split just about evenly, and the Republican margin in the House was also exceptionally slim. And even during those 2 years of Republican Congressional control of both houses when the Senate was not essentially split and was instead firmly in Republican hands—January 2005 to January 2007, when there were 55 Republican senators to 45 Democratic ones—not only did that mean that the Democrats could continue to block legislation by failing to vote for cloture, but in addition, among those 55 Republican senators there were many who were so liberal as to practically be Democrats. In fact, some of whom later became Democrats, such as Lincoln Chafee and Arlen Spector, and some of them merely voted with Democrats a fair amount, such as Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins, Chuck Hagel and Lindsay Graham. What’s more, 2005-2007 were the years when the Bush presidency was consumed and distracted by the Iraq War and the need to muster support for the surge. And to top it all off, Bush himself was no conservative, and was not trying to lead in a conservative direction.
Don’t get me wrong. I am not saying that, if there were a conservative president and significant (as opposed to borderline) control of both houses of Congress by Republicans, we’d see a sea-change at this point. I’m merely saying that I don’t think that analogies with Reagan and Bush II are all that relevant. One change since Bush II’s time is that there are fewer RINOs in the Senate today (although some remain), due to conservative challenges which will no doubt continue. And I contend that we have not had a conservative president plus a Republican Congress since the days of Coolidge. Reagan has been the only conservative president since Coolidge, and he did not have a Republican House (Nixon, who was a bit of a conservative but not really, had a completely Democratic Congress to work with). So the formula “conservative president and Republican Congress” has not been tried in nearly a hundred years.
However, “the question of how to defeat an illiberal left remains.” That has been the question for a long time. Greenfield writes:
If the Republican establishment really wants to defeat Trump, it needs to find a credible answer to this question. Instead of thinking about how to defeat Trump, it really needs to answer how it will defeat Obama and the forces that gave rise to him. If it can’t figure out how to defeat illiberalism, it will be defeated by it.
Indeed. Hear, hear.
Greefield doesn’t explain how Cruz, for example, answers that question. But I believe that Cruz is certainly well aware of the problem. I believe that Cruz’s answer would be to stand your conservative ground and to win elections, and then implement changes. Some of these changes could be accomplished by an executive who merely undoes the executive orders of his/her predecessor, Obama. So perhaps that wouldn’t be so hard, nor would it be unconstitutional.
But the more basic problem—and it’s a problem we’ve been discussing on this blog for many many years—is that the left fights on all fronts, and is winning on many of them and controls them: press, education, entertainment (immigration is part of it, and that’s why it has become so important lately). Those things shape minds, and there is no quick way to change those institutions and to weaken liberal control over them, or undo their effect on generations who have grown up under them. I believe, however, that Cruz and several other candidates imagine that, if Republicans hold their own in Congress and a conservative is also elected president, it would lead to results that Americans will notice and will like, and then the conservative point of view will get more support. In other words, success will breed success.
The trouble with throwing away the Constitution and fighting fire with fire is that “ends justify means” actions tend to get out of control, destroying the good in the system as well as the bad.
Here’s a comment I found in the comments section of Greenfield’s piece:
…[W]e must set aside the constitution to save the constitution. The Left (and their collaborators in the GOPe) must be rooted out by unconstitutional means. After the job is done then the civil, liberal society can thrive again.
Okay, so tell me: how would that look? What would be set aside? And once it was done, how would “civil, liberal society thrive again?” And why on earth do a certain proportion of his supporters think Trump would be the man for that particular job, other than the “setting aside” part? He never speaks of the Constitution except in the most general of terms. What parts of the Constitution would he be throwing off, and what parts restoring?
Tyrannies always justify their tyranny by saying it’s for the greater good. That’s why the Founders were very wary of such a process; they had studied history. One piece of history they hadn’t studied—because it hadn’t quite occurred yet—was the Reign of Terror during the French Revolution. Now, Robespierre was an extreme example—and Trump isn’t about to cut off heads—but the Reign of Terror illustrates the principle of ends justify means so that “liberal society can thrive again”:
Robespierre had not abandoned his libertarian convictions, but he was coming to the conclusion that the ends justified the means, and that in order to defend the Revolution against those who would destroy it, the shedding of blood was justified…
Perhaps it is because of the stark contrast between Robespierre’s ideals and what he became that the question of the Terror remains shocking. In the mind of Robespierre and many of his colleagues, the Terror had a deeper moral purpose beyond winning the civil war: to bring about a ”˜republic of virtue’. By this he meant a society in which people sought the happiness of their fellow humans rather than their own material benefit. France must be regenerated on moral lines. ”˜What is our aim?’ he asked in a speech of February 1794:
“The peaceful enjoyment of liberty and equality; the reign of that eternal justice whose laws are written, not on marble or stone, but in the hearts of all men, even in that of the slave who forgets them and of the tyrant who denies them.”
He came to the conclusion that in order to establish this ideal republic one had to be prepared to eliminate opponents of the Revolution. The irony of this idea rings through in the same speech, when he justified the Terror. He said:
“If the basis of popular government in peacetime is virtue, the basis of popular government during a revolution is both virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror is baneful; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing more than speedy, severe and inflexible justice; it is thus an emanation of virtue; it is less a principle in itself, than a consequence of the general principle of democracy, applied to the most pressing needs of the patrie…”
He was not a hypocrite. He really did believe that the Terror could sustain the republic of virtue. But he was naturally self-righteous, suspicious and unforgiving. All these qualities came to the fore as it became evident that while the Terror played a key part in winning the war and quelling the counter-revolution, it was having the reverse effect as far as installing the republic of virtue was concerned…
As I said, neither Trump nor any of the other candidates are planning extra-judicial executions. But neither was Robespierre, initially. And summary executions are hardly the only way to trash the Constitution, as Obama and others before him have demonstrated.
I am very concerned by the willingness to go beyond the Constitution in the name of restoring virtue. I see the year 2016 as pivotal because with a conservative president and a Republican Congress we would actually have a chance of reversing things without resorting to ends justify means solutions, probably the first chance in a long long time. I see the answer, also, as much bigger than a strongman president: it’s that old Gramscian march once again. Reversing that accomplishment by the left requires a group of conservative activists dedicated to a long slow slog through those institutions in order to gain—or to regain—influence. If that isn’t done, we spiral down no matter who gets elected in 2016.
[NOTE: By the way, this is one of the most informative charts you’ll ever see. Please take a look.]