My title was a teaser. Obviously, I’m not privy to the real story of Trump’s motives in firing Comey now. But no one is, except Trump and those closest to him—and maybe not even them.
But I do have some observations, of course. The first is that Trump’s a guy who’s used to firing people, and to doing it with great fanfare and the spotlight shining fully on him. So the Comey firing is a sort of business-as-usual for Trump, although it certainly doesn’t appear that way to an awful lot of outside observers.
The reaction from much of the right has been joy at Comey’s departure. The reaction of the left and the Democrats has been predictable shock and outrage, as well as cries for a special prosecutor. The assumption there—or at least, the suggestion there—is that Trump is covering up something and trying to impede Comey’s investigation of his Russian connection. Here’s a good example of the genre from Politico, painting a believable picture of a fuming, stewing, enraged, frustrated, screaming Trump and a blindsided victim Comey—and this despite the fact that it has long been the left and the Clinton camp who have been bitterly criticizing Comey and blaming him for Trump’s win and Hillary loss. So there’s no small bit of irony here.
To me, Comey’s press conference last summer—the one in which he explained his reasons for not indicting Hillary—made no legal sense, and was a departure from the FBI’s usual commitment to silence in cases where it chooses not to indict. I wrote several posts at the time about Comey’s behavior (see this, for example). Andrew C. McCarthy’s summary from a few days ago is a recap of Comey’s actions back then, and what was wrong with them:
…[I]t is not possible to square [Comeys’ July 2016] press conference and the claim that politics did not influence the FBI’s decision-making. Ordinarily, the FBI does not confirm or deny the existence of an investigation and does not publicize the evidence uncovered in investigations that do not result in charges. In this instance, Comey decided not to follow those strictures. Why? As he put it during the press conference, he was making his “unusual statement” because “the American people deserve those details in a case of intense public interest.” Put aside that a lot of investigations are of intense public interest and yet the usual no-comment rules are followed. What made this investigation of intense public interest was politics, pure and simple.
…[H]ad the protocols been followed, the FBI and Justice Department would have made no statements about the investigation, including no statement that it had been closed. Mrs. Clinton had no right to a clean bill of health from the FBI. She should have had to content herself with being able to note that she had not been charged with a crime and to urge that this meant she was not guilty of one. But she had no right to have voters advised, before going to the polls, that there was no active investigation into her misconduct. Fourth, there is an important reason why the FBI does not make a formal announcement when an investigation is closed without charges: It frequently happens that new information surfaces, justifying the reopening of the file.
McCarthy wrote that almost a week ago, before Comey was dismissed, but it dovetails with the reasons the Trump administration gave yesterday to explain the firing. It is certainly a valid set of reasons. Most people on the right (and some on the left, secretly) are happy to see Comey go, for a host of reasons. But the fact that the firing happened now, when the Trump/Flynn/Russia investigation is still moving forward (albeit slowly), gives Trump’s action at the very least the appearance of suspiciousness/impropriety, an appearance that can and will be fully exploited by the left. The Nixon comparisons abound, however dissimilar the situations may be.
Andrew McCarthy wrote the following yesterday:
The memorandum issued by Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein to explain Comey’s dismissal Tuesday is well crafted and will make it very difficult for Democrats to attack President Trump’s decision. Rosenstein bases the decision not merely on Comey’s much discussed missteps in the Clinton e-mails investigation ”” viz., usurping the authority of the attorney general to close the case without prosecution; failing to avail himself of the normal procedures for raising concerns about Attorney General Lynch’s conflict of interest. He goes on specifically to rebuke Comey’s “gratuitous” release of “derogatory information about the subject of a declined criminal prosecution.” That “subject,” of course, would be Mrs. Clinton.
This (as I noted in a recent column) is exactly the line of attack Democrats have adopted since Clinton lost the election…
I disagree strongly with McCarthy’s statement that the reasoning in Rosentein’s memorandum “will make it very difficult for Democrats to attack President Trump’s decision.” On the contrary, they will find no problem whatsoever in doing so. It doesn’t matter how well-crafted Rosenstein’s enumeration of Comey’s errors is, and it doesn’t matter how many Democrats Rosenstein manages to quote who were in agreement months ago with what he’s saying now about Comey. Those Democrats are on another side of the political divide, and will act accordingly—as McCarthy himself seems to acknowledge towards the end of his piece when he writes:
Or at least it should be tough [for Democrats to criticize]. Trump being Trump, he could not resist saying, in his letter to Comey, “I greatly appreciate you [sic] informing me, on three separate occasions, that I am not under investigation.” On the off chance that the former director’s memory does not jibe with the president’s, Trump’s statement invites Comey to respond that this is not what happened. If Comey seizes on the invitation, the press angle would write itself: Comey, it would be said, was fired because he was trying to conduct the investigation of Trump-Russia ties about which he recently testified, not because of the bipartisan consensus that is described in Rosenstein’s memorandum.
And that, in a nutshell, is what many people say and/or believe—and, although they didn’t really need Trump’s “invitation” or assistance to make them think along those lines, they got it. But the press angle already wrote itself, because it makes sense, whether it’s actually true or not. And with the release of the news on the same day that prosecutors had issued subpoenas in connection with the Flynn investigation, the plot has thickened:
Federal prosecutors have issued grand jury subpoenas seeking business records from people who worked with former U.S. national security adviser Michael Flynn when he was a private citizen, CNN reported on Tuesday.
Citing people familiar with the matter, CNN said the subpoenas were issued by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Alexandria, Virginia. They targeted people who worked with Flynn on contracts after he was pushed out of his job as director of the Defense Intelligence Agency in 2014, it reported.
I don’t know about you, but I agree with Republican Senator Richard Burr of North Carolina, chairman of the Intelligence Committee, who said that “Comey’s firing and…dismissal ‘further confuses an already difficult investigation by the committee.'” Indeed. Burr’s statement does not seem to emanate from any particular Trump animus, either; he was a supporter of Trump and an advisor during his campaign.
Will the Comey firing and the reaction to it matter in the political sense? Or will it be another tempest in a teapot that dies down as the next crisis rears up? That will depend in part on who Trump chooses to replaces Comey, and whether that person is perceived to be proceeding with all the investigations in an objective manner, or whether he/she is seen as being too Trump-friendly and essentially a Trump stooge.
And about that, I have to say this: well see.
