You may recall that in the Michigan governorship primary, five of the GOP primary contenders – including the frontrunners – were disqualified because of faulty petition signatures. I wrote a previous post about it in June, and I had planned a Part II but never got around to it. However, Part II was going to be about the fact that petition-gathering is a paid business subject to fraud, and that’s apparently what happened in Michigan. Whether that fraud was and is in part politically motivated, or simply motivated by financial greed and the lure of cutting corners, I don’t know. But there’s plenty of motivation to go around.
The Michigan fiasco involved firms hired by the candidates to do the signature-gathering, which is a normal practice. The gatherers are paid per signature, which is also normal. Turns out some of these people working for these unspecified firms were crooks, and gathered quite a few fraudulent signatures.
There never was any allegation that the GOP candidates who had the fraudulent signatures knew about it, much less ordered it. But they are considered responsible anyway, even though everyone knows they’re not going to personally verify the signatures. Who in the campaign was in charge of doing that intermediate work and checking the names against the voter rolls? Whoever it was, that person or people slipped up.
Much much more here. One of the disqualified candidates, Markey, had this to say:
Markey also noted that his campaign started collecting signatures early, paid $7 per signature while others paid $20, and determined independently that his signature validity rates were high before submitting the petitions to the state.
“You associated me with fraud. That’s a really, really big accusation,” Markey told the canvassing board and state Elections Director Jonathan Brater.
“This is why normal people do not run. Because I did everything I was supposed to do, I added extra quality controls and then you just assumed that I was like the rest,” Markey said.
Digging deeper, here’s an article on who or what might be behind this:
Shawn Wilmoth is one of several people now at the epicenter of an alleged fraudulent petition scheme that has disrupted the Republican campaign for governor…
“They (the records) say he was wanted for extradition by Arlington, VA for election fraud,” said Macomb County Prosecutor Peter Lucido.
In Arlington County, Virginia, records show Wilmoth later pleaded guilty to election fraud and served 5 years probation…
…[O]ther campaigns impacted hired Wilmoth, too…
While some states require circulators be from that state, Michigan only requires they are U.S. citizens.
Two experts from the University of Michigan says the responsibility for preventing problems like this falls on campaigns, but Michigan’s system does not allow much time for corrections.
Again, you can find much much more information at the link. And there’s more here as well as here and here.
Which brings us to the Gascon recall petition, where essentially the same thing happened, only a little worse because it seems as though there was some condonation of the fraud by some of those wanting to recall Gascon. The players are not the same, although there’s this curious bit (it’s a long essay, and again I suggest you read or at least skim the whole thing):
However, screenshots from a private Facebook group administered by Mark Jacoby, owner of LTVD [which is one of the signature-gathering firms], show that he actively encouraged gatherers to leave California for Michigan, saying, “Michigan is where it’s at,” and, “It’s up to you to prove that when we get paid correctly and we’re able to make a fair living wage to support us and our families, we can get anything done!!! Then if a campaign is not willing to do that, they won’t get on the ballot!”
There are problems inherent in the entire signature-gathering-for-hire business, many of them described here, for example:
Banning paid signature gatherers was an idea that came about early in the initiative’s history, and was seen as a way to stop wealthy individuals or groups from buying their way onto the ballot. Ohio, South Dakota and Washington passed bans on paid signature gatherers in 1913 and 1914. Oregon passed a ban in 1935, Colorado in 1941, and Idaho and Nebraska in 1988. Until the 1980s, courts upheld bans on paid signature gatherers. That changed in 1988, when the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated Colorado’s ban in the Meyer vs. Grant, 486 U.S. 414 (1988) decision.
Several states have tried to ban payment per signature, but do permit payment on a salary or hourly basis. These restrictions have met with mixed review in the federal courts. Presently, seven states have such bans (Colorado, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota and Oregon) and five states have had them held unconstitutional (Idaho, Maine, Mississippi, Ohio and Washington). Most recently, Colorado’s restriction was temporarily enjoined on June 11, 2010, awaiting the outcome of a trial.
Today, the vast majority of petition campaigns use paid circulators, who are paid between $1 and $3 per signature [that’s from around 2012, so the numbers are different today]. Very few campaigns attempt to qualify an initiative petition with volunteer circulators, and even fewer do so successfully. Paid drives, on the other hand, are much more successful. A campaign that has adequate funds to pay circulators has a nearly 100 percent chance of qualifying for the ballot in many states.
The increase in reliance on paid circulators has increased the cost of qualifying an initiative. In California, it now costs more than $1 million…
…The U.S. Supreme Court’s opinions on petition circulators have made the prevention of fraud in the signature gathering process very difficult for states. Since the 1988 Meyer vs. Grant decision invalidated state bans on paid signature gatherers, it has become more difficult to regulate the signature gathering process.
This is an important and apparently fairly widespread problem of which I was previously unaware.