Two fascinating pieces came out recently about the phenomenon of the Never-Trumpers, now that it’s a year-plus into the Trump presidency.
The first is David Brooks’ (yes, he of the crease in Obama’s pants) essay in the Times, entitled “The Failures of Anti-Trumpism.” I have to hand it to Brooks, because it isn’t easy to admit defeat like this [emphasis mine]:
Over the past year, those of us in the anti-Trump camp have churned out billions of words critiquing the president. The point of this work is to expose the harm President Trump is doing, weaken his support and prevent him from doing worse. And by that standard, the anti-Trump movement is a failure.
We have persuaded no one. Trump’s approval rating is around 40 percent, which is basically unchanged from where it’s been all along…
A lot of us never-Trumpers assumed momentum would be on our side as his scandals and incompetences mounted. It hasn’t turned out that way. I almost never meet a Trump supporter who has become disillusioned. I often meet Republicans who were once ambivalent but who have now joined the Trump train.
Brooks goes on to give several reasons for this, which boil down to: (1) Never-Trumpers are often “insufferably condescending”; and (2) Trump still speaks to a certain disillusioned section of America. The first is a matter of tone, and the second a matter of empathy and communication.
But there is a curious omission on Brooks’ part, and I think it’s very telling. He doesn’t deal with what Trump has actually done up to this point: the judges he’s appointed, the tax cut he advocated that was passed, the ways in which he has limited illegal immigration (and will probably do more), and his tough stance in certain areas of foreign policy (including of course Israel).
Earth to Brooks: might Trump’s actual accomplishments in his first year have something to do with the fact that so many “Republicans who were once ambivalent…have now joined the Trump train”?
So, why does Brooks ignore that—which I believe is one of the biggest reasons Trump’s approval is, if anything, higher than when he took office? It’s certainly the reason why someone like me isn’t railing against him at the moment, although I did plenty of railing during the primaries. I had always said let’s give him a chance, I hope his performance as president is better than I think it will be, and that if it was I’d be pleased.
But Brooks and his ilk seem to evaluate politicians differently. What he (and they?) look for and admire seems to be style, first and foremost (the crease in Obama’s pants is a good illustration). Perhaps Brooks thinks that way because he thinks that style=substance, or at least is a very good indicator of substance. But I’ve not really found that to be true with any reliability, although of course sometimes the two do go together.
Trump is uncouth, coarse, nasty, seemingly inarticulate (although on close observation he actually communicates bluntly and directly and rather effectively). In other words, Trump is oh-so-many things Brooks doesn’t like, and I don’t care for either. But style is far less important to me in a president than what that person does in terms of action and policy.
I still think that, all else being equal, I’d love to have a president with everything I wanted, including style (Churchill keeps coming to mind, and Lincoln would do nicely, although he was considered uncouth in his day). And I suppose it also depends on whether you see Trump not only as uncouth but as deeply corrupt and dangerous. I once thought corrupt/dangerous was probably true, but as time has gone on I’ve seen less evidence of it rather than more. But if it were true that Trump was corrupt (or more corrupt than the alternatives) and dangerous (or more dangerous than the alternatives) it would be a reason to oppose him mightily.
But Brooks doesn’t seem to be saying that’s what he thinks, or at least he’s giving no details, at least not in that column. He says Trump has done damage (but is it the Resistance that’s done damage?). He cites Trump’s incompetences (at what?) and scandals (but are they real, or trumped (!) up, and are they important?). But he offers no evidence in the column itself of the sort of corruption or dangerousness that would warrant the depth of the Newer-Trumpers’ opposition.
The second article is a riff on the first one. It’s by Jon Gabriel, an editor at Richochet. Here’s an excerpt from it in which he talks about his own decision to leave the Never-Trumper camp:
As any longtime reader knows, I was a Never Trumper throughout the election. But when the nation selected him, I laid down that label and accepted reality. Trump was my president for the next four to eight years, I earnestly hoped for his and my country’s success, and I would praise or criticize him based on his actions.
The all-important phrase (to me, anyway) is based on his actions.
Gabriel and I are different. He was a Never-Trumper right up till the election. I was never a Never-Trumper, but I was strongly against Trump during the primaries and mostly sad and grieving after his nomination—sad and grieving because I saw the end result as the election of Hillary Clinton. When Trump was elected I was surprised, although “surprised” is too mild a word for it. But just as with Gabriel, at that point “I earnestly hoped for his and my country’s success, and I would praise or criticize him based on his actions.”
That seemed an obvious course of action to me. I had done the same with Obama, and wrote about it, too, right after his election in 2008. It didn’t take long for me to judge Obama on his actions and find them very disturbing. That judgment of mine just kept growing and growing during his presidency, but at the outset I was willing to give him a chance and judge him just as I’d judge anyone.
Same for Trump. It seems like that’s what every thinking person would do and should do. Obviously, that’s not the case.
Maybe for me it’s easier because I already am on record as admitting I changed my mind about my basic political affiliation, and that I’ve been wrong about a number of things in the past. What’s another change of mind, particularly if the news is better than I expected?
Now, don’t misunderstand me; I like to be right and hate to be wrong. But I’d rather follow what I see as the truth than hold to the rightness of previous views that have been tested and found wanting.
There’s one more thing motivating the remaining Never-Trumpers on the right, and I believe it may be most important of all. We’ll call it the Trump Taint. They don’t want to be associated in any way with someone so declasse, so crude, so coarse, so vile. so un-intellectual. Their stomachs turn over at the thought. The fact that Trump is filthy rich doesn’t help; they’re more interested in the “filthy” part than the “rich” part, and wealth cannot redeem him.
In addition, during his career in real estate and business, Trump cultivated his plebian roots, which is somewhat funny because he grew up very wealthy. But great wealth is not what I’m talking about; Trump could have generations of wealth and still be nouveau, if you get my drift.
This dichotomy has long existed in American political life, and it’s not about money or lack thereof. Bill Clinton, who really did grow up on the somewhat wrong side of the tracks, was an appealing figure to the elite (elite Democrats, in this case) because he was highly educated and articulate. But LBJ (also a Democrat) was a coarse, bullying guy from Texas, and he displaced the assassinated, classy, Harvard-educated, witty, handsome JFK and was hated even by Democrat elites because of all that.
Sarah Palin was like a dress rehearsal for Trump. She went to the wrong colleges, came from the wrong place, had the wrong way of speaking, and so a great many on the right hated her. I haven’t done a study, but I bet the same people who had turned on Sarah Palin are the Never-Trumpers on the right today.
[NOTE: To save you the trouble of going to my earlier post to find that Brooks quote about Obama’s pants, here it is:
“I remember distinctly an image of”“we were sitting on his couches, and I was looking at his pant leg and his perfectly creased pant,” Brooks says, “and I’m thinking, a) he’s going to be president and b) he’ll be a very good president.”
That was about style. Brooks also was very impressed by Obama’s perceived erudition (the link in the first sentence is now a dead one, unfortunately):
“I was interviewing Obama a couple years ago, and I’m getting nowhere with the interview, it’s late in the night, he’s on the phone, walking off the Senate floor, he’s cranky. Out of the blue I say, “Ever read a guy named Reinhold Niebuhr?” And he says, ‘Yeah.’ So I say, ‘What did Niebuhr mean to you?’ For the next 20 minutes, he gave me a perfect description of Reinhold Niebuhr’s thought, which is a very subtle thought process based on the idea that you have to use power while it corrupts you. And I was dazzled, I felt the tingle up my knee as Chris Matthews would say.”
It’s hard to know exactly what Obama said that was so dazzling. But since David Brooks has never written anything that indicates he’s any sort of deep thinker himself, perhaps the mere fact that Obama was familiar with the name “Reinhold Niebuhr” was enough to do the trick.
Fellow-intellectuals. I’m one too, but that’s not my criteria for politicians. In fact, I think it can be a handicap. Too much fox and not enough hedgehog.]
[ADDENDUM: By the way, the style/erudition thing is one of the reasons Jordan Peterson so confounds and frightens the left.]