A fight is going on over a bill that would reduce welfare payments to non-citizens who want to become citizens:
The Trump administration is now on the clock to finalize one of the biggest changes to legal immigration policy in a generation, after the official comment period ended Monday on a plan to require immigrants to show they aren’t a public burden if they want to extend their visas or get on the path to citizenship.
Immigrant rights groups and other Trump opponents mounted a feverish last-minute push to try to derail the proposal. They submitted tens of thousands of comments calling the plan misguided and racist and warned that it would keep needy immigrants from visiting doctors and leave children hungry because their parents fear signing them up for free school lunches, lest they lose their chance at citizenship.
The president’s backers said they expect Mr. Trump and his team to finalize the proposal. If anything, they said, it doesn’t go far enough to crack down on what appears to be rampant welfare use by noncitizens and their children.
New immigrants have often had a rough time financially, but in the past they had to rely mostly on the help of relatives and/or private relief agencies, the latter often financed by the financially successful previous immigrants from their countries. Even with that help, it was often a very bitter struggle, especially for the first generation. However, that process meant that most people who came here didn’t expect to be given everything and knew they had to work hard, and for the ones that found it too onerous there was always the option of going back (before 1920, the number of immigrants to this country who ended up returning home is said to have been 30%).
Now the government and welfare have taken over much of that function. The current statistics:
The center [for Immigration Studies] released a study this month calculating that a staggering 63 percent of households led by noncitizens use at least one welfare program. The rate for households led by native-born Americans is just 35 percent.
Those are pretty high figures for both non-citizens and citizens, but the non-citizen figure is nearly double the citizen figure, which is rather telling (I’m assuming these are figures for legal immigrants, but nowhere in the article does it actually make that distinction). However, the figures are high because they include certain things we don’t necessarily think of as welfare programs, such as tax credits:
In its official filing, the department estimated that about 20 percent of noncitizens receive food stamps or public housing assistance.
[The] 63 percent figure includes other programs such as tax credits or nutrition assistance under the Women, Infants and Children program, and includes households where the children, who often are citizens, receive benefits such as Medicaid.
Those would not be targeted by the rule, nor would American parents who adopt special-needs children from overseas and apply for Medicaid benefits to help with their care.
The article mentions that a law was passed during the Clinton administration that was a milder version of the one being considered now, but the Clinton law has been very rarely enforced. The currently proposed law:
…would add food stamps, public housing and long-term institutionalized care to the list of potential public charge grounds. Disaster relief, assistance to immigrants serving in the armed forces or their families, and emergency medical care would not count against an immigrant.
The attacks on this proposal follow expected lines, citing cruelty to immigrants and a chilling effect that would cause them to not seek needed services.
I’m not sure what I think of this one. Food stamps for a newly-arrived immigrant family—legal immigrants, that is—does not seem like a bad idea to me. Perhaps food stamps for non-citizens should be time-limited. I think that far more important would be to stop the flow of illegal immigrants—the wall and other measures—and to restrict birthright citizenship to the children of legal immigrants as well. Those two arenas are where the more major problems arise.
In the end, the questions are basic ones regarding immigration, questions that comes up again and again: what do we owe new arrivals to this country? Howe many are reasonable to take in, and who will they be? How can we best assure they ultimately become contributing and productive residents and/or citizens rather than a drain on public finances, and how soon after their arrival does this need to happen?
