Here’s Bookworm with some more advice on how to talk to a liberal.
And here’s “Robin of Berkeley” on the difficulty of finding friends of the conservative persuasion in the bowels of true-blue Berkeley.
Ladies, I feel your pain.
Here’s Bookworm with some more advice on how to talk to a liberal.
And here’s “Robin of Berkeley” on the difficulty of finding friends of the conservative persuasion in the bowels of true-blue Berkeley.
Ladies, I feel your pain.
Yesterday I found myself in Cambridge, Massachusetts, at the extraordinarily beautiful Mt. Auburn Cemetery.
Mt. Auburn is one of the first “garden” cemeteries in the United States. It was begun in 1831 and designed mostly by Henry Alexander Scammell Dearborn, serving as the inspiration for many other public places and parks, including New York’s Central.
I went there yesterday not because it was Memorial Day—although that made the visit especially fitting—but because I was in the area and had a bit of free time and it was a beautiful spring day. The cemetery’s plantings are spectacular, with rolling hills and ponds and ancient trees amidst the flowers and the old gravestones.
Mt. Auburn’s roster includes some of Boston’s most illustrious, almost a who’s who of the Boston past. There are guidebooks and audio tours, but yesterday I just wandered about.
One of the monuments I happened on was that of Robert Gould Shaw. Here it is:
And this is a close-up of the inscription:
You may remember Shaw as the hero of the movie “Glory,” the young Harvard graduate and son of noted abolitionists, who raised and commanded the first regiment of black troops to fight for the Union. As the plaque states, he was twenty-five years old when he died, sacrificing his life to those twin causes.
However, Gould’s body does not lie in Mt. Auburn (although his grandfather’s does):
[Gould’s] 54th was sent to Charleston, South Carolina, to take part in the operations against the Confederates stationed there. On July 18, 1863, along with two brigades of white troops, the 54th assaulted Confederate Battery Wagner. As the unit hesitated in the face of fierce Confederate fire, Shaw led his men into battle by shouting,”Forward, Fifty-Fourth Forward!” He mounted a parapet and urged his men forward, but was shot through the heart and he died almost instantly; his body fell into the fort. He was buried in a mass grave with many of his men, which the Confederates considered an insult. However, Gould’s father publicly proclaimed that he was proud his son was interred in such a manner as befitting both for his role as a soldier and a crusader for social justice.
Mt. Auburn is a peaceful place, far more peaceful than the lives of many of its denizens. Yesterday it was especially lovely and very, very quiet save for the calls of a few birds:
There was a brief but violent thunderstorm. Here is a shot of the sun breaking through afterwards:
[NOTE: Technically speaking, most of Mt. Auburn actually lies in Watertown, Massachusetts. But the entrance is in Cambridge, and most people tend to think of the whole as being in Cambridge.]
Fat chance.
Or, as my mother would say, don’t sit on a hot stove till he does.
Clive Crook of the Financial Times seems to think one is owed, however. Crook is certainly no Bush-supporter, though; he thought Obama to be a reasonable and charismatic figure during the campaign and, in this recent column Crook holds that Obama’s newly-found positions on what used to be called the war on terror are judicious.
But Crook nevertheless has the following hard-hitting words for Obama:
Mr Obama is in the right [in his position on hows to treat terrorists], in my view, but he owes his supporters an apology for misleading them. He also owes George W. Bush an apology for saying that the last administration’s thinking was an affront to US values, whereas his own policies would be entirely consonant with them. In office he has found that the issue is more complicated. If he was surprised, he should not have been.
Not only has Obama failed to apologize to Bush, but (although Crook fails to point this out), in Obama’s recent speech he spent considerable time and words bashing the previous administration in exactly the same manner as during the campaign, as an affront to and a violation of basic US values.
And Crook himself owes a few people an apology, too, when he sets up the following strawmen on the Right:
The Democratic party’s civil libertarians seem to believe that several medium-sized US cities would be a reasonable price to pay for insisting on ordinary criminal trials for terrorist suspects. There can be no trade-off between freedom and security, because the freedoms they prioritise trump everything. To many on the other side, no trampling on the liberty of ordinary citizens, no degree of cruelty to detainees, no outright illegality is too much to contemplate in the effort to stop terrorists. On this view, security trumps everything.
Crook’s rhetoric is actually over-the-top for both sides: for example, most people on the Left who advocate trying terrorists in the criminal justice system deny the possibility that a city will go down as a result of their actions, rather than saying they would consider that to be a fair price. But at least Crook is specific about the people on the Left with whom he finds fault: those who would extend ordinary criminal trials to terrorists. And such people most definitely exist, in not-insignificant numbers.
But when Crook tries to find a similar group to criticize on the Right, he falls back on the old ploy of the exceedingly general “many.” I’d like to know exactly who these people are that Clive describes, who refuse to set any limits on the “trampling on the liberty of ordinary citizens” or on “cruelty to detainees” or on “illegality” in their efforts to stop terrorists. You know, the ones who advocate breaking their bones and pulling out their fingernails, and monitoring all of our conversations with each other, and no Congressional oversight of anything.
Crook does not name them because they do not exist, at least not in the government of Bush and Cheney, nor in the Republican Party in general.
Crook is welcome to disagree with where the last administration drew the line on treating terrorists. He thinks waterboarding should be outlawed, for example. Fine. But the position he describes as being held by “many on the other side” is unrecognizable as being held by any on the other side, except perhaps some rabid and marginal blogger somewhere, or members of some exceedingly far-out fringe group that has no influence.
I can think of no better song for Memorial Day than Tim McGraw’s “If You’re Reading This“:
If you’re readin’ this
My momma’s sittin’ there
Looks like I only got a one way ticket over here.
I sure wish I could give you one more kiss
War was just a game we played when we were kids
Well I’m layin’ down my gun
I’m hanging up my boots
I’m up here with God and we’re both watchin’ over you
So lay me down
In that open field out on the edge of town
And know my soul
Is where my momma always prayed that it would go.
If you’re readin’ this I’m already home.
If you’re readin’ this
Half way around the world
I won’t be there to see the birth of our little girl
I hope she looks like you
I hope she fights like me
And stands up for the innocent and the weak
I’m layin’ down my gun,
I’m hanging up my boots
Tell dad I don’t regret that I followed in his shoes
So lay me down
In that open field out on the edge of town
And know my soul
is where my momma always prayed that it would go
If you’re readin’ this, I’m already hoooommmmmeeee
If you’re readin’ this,
There’s gonna come a day
You move on and find someone else and that’s okay
Just remember this
I’m in a better place
Soldiers live in peace and angels sing amazing grace
So lay me down
In that open field out on the edge of town
And know my soul is where my momma always prayed that it would go
If you’re readin’ this
If you’re readin’ this
I’m already home
[NOTE: This is a repeat of a previous post.]
It’s a Sunday in May. The lilacs are still in bloom, although they’re fading a bit.
And the irises are starting to come out:
What more could you ask for?
Plenty, I know.
…when you’re just a candidate full of hot air and speechifying.
Some of you may have seen Webutante’s two-part story (see this and then this) about her “can you top this?” car breakdown and rescue. Driving with a fading alternator and no cell phone in a snowstorm in the Midwest, she was saved by coming upon a serendipitous trucker with room for Webutante in his cab, and for one more car in the trailer of his loaded truck—hers.
Well, I think I can top that—or at least match it. You be the judge.
It was the early 70s, and I was driving back to graduate school after visiting my parents in New York. I said goodbye to them one morning and hopped into my fully-loaded car.
I’d been driving for about forty-five minutes in very heavy but fast-moving traffic on the Belt Parkway. I was in the left lane on an elevated part of the road, and the distance between cars was too short for the high speeds we were traveling. But there was no way around that.
Then with great suddenness and seemingly for no reason, the car in front of me hit its brakes, hard.
I was young and my reflexes were good, and I slammed mine on too and managed somehow to stop about a hair from hitting him. But the car in back of me was not so lucky, and I sat helplessly as it rear-ended me.
The entire episode took only a split second, but it seemed to happen in slow motion as I saw it all—the car ahead I feared I’d hit, the moment of relief when I knew I’d probably avoid contact with it, and then the glance in my rear-view mirror that told me the car behind was coming on all too fast.
After the scary impact, all three of us got out of our cars and stood on the elevated roadway in a high wind, attempting to exchange details of licenses and registrations. The man in front of me—the one who’d started the chain reaction—didn’t speak English and I could only get his license information before he sped off again.
His car was nearly undamaged. But my trunk had caved in considerably, and the lock had broken open with the hood slightly raised but jammed, exposing my suitcases and other paraphernalia. I could neither open it fully nor close it fully. And worse, when I tried to start my engine, it made a strange grating noise and the car wouldn’t budge.
The guy who’d rear-ended me was likewise trapped, and together we traipsed to the two nearest emergency phones which, in those pre-cellphone days, were placed at regular and close intervals along the highway.
But like so many public conveniences in the city, they were broken. The man volunteered to walk to the nearest exit and then to the nearest gas station and call for help. I remained standing on the highway, guarding my open trunk (not that I could have done a thing about it if anyone had chosen to pry it open and walk off with my precious possessions, but still), and shivering. There was no breakdown lane and my car was in the left lane of a three-lane highway with lots of traffic going very fast, so all I could do was press myself against the median rail and hope against hope that a police car would happen by.
Where were they when you needed them? Nowhere in sight. I stood there for what seemed like many hours but was perhaps another forty-five minutes, gazing at the speeding cars and hoping some more.
Then I saw an auto in the distance that was going especially slowly, holding up traffic behind it. As it approached, it began to look familiar—why, my mother had a car like that! And then I realized the reason it was going so slowly. It was my mother’s car.
And my mother was driving it.
A more unexpectedly lovely sight—and a more welcome one—could hardly be imagined. It’s not as though I was near home, either. Nor was this a road my mother frequently traversed. But here she was (as it turned out, on her way into Manhattan with an interior decorator to look at fabrics), and I was saved.
Commenter Oblio offers some suggestions for those occasions when one is trapped in those oh-so-pleasant dinner table or cocktail party or book group discussions with verbally aggressive liberal friends and acquaintances.
I think they bear highlighting:
There are some simple techniques for dealing with dinner party blowhards and social bush-bashers/obamatrons.
1. When they start ranting, just say “Now, now” in a genial tone of voice with a smile on your face. It is amazingly effective, and lots of people will want to talk to you afterward.
2. When someone offers a bumper-sticker sentiment as a deep thought on some issue of the day, ask “Do you study that closely?” in a mild manner. Most often, there will be stunned silence followed by a hasty change of topic.
3. If someone wants to rant on after #2, just keep asking questions about where they get their information, their views of the implications of their position, how they do the cost/benefit analysis, their response to some authority’s (particularly some liberal authority’s) criticism of their position, etc. Force them to clarify their points. In most cases they start embarrassing themselves within about 45 seconds. Very few come back for this treatment twice.
4. Restate their positions without euphemism and in the clearest possible terms: remember Orwell on how people would react to Oxbridge types defending Stalin’s purges if the apologists had to say, “I support killing people when you can get good results by doing so.” It is very gratifying to see how uncomfortable social liberals get when you strip away the euphemisms. Someone will change the topic within 30 seconds.
5. Avoid stating your own position or contradicting the blowhard. If asked whether you agree with the blowhard’s point, you can say no and give two or three reasons why not, then stop. You are not obligated to make a case FOR the opposite, and you shouldn’t bother to ask the blowhard whether he agrees with you. That’s OK, because reasonable people can disagree. If he really pushes for your opinion, you can point out that you weren’t the one who gave the strong opinions in the first place, and you only asked questions.
6. If really pressed, I quote my mother, who told me “There are three things you shouldn’t discuss in company: politics, sex, and religion.” Not too surprisingly the most dangerous and explosive topics manage to combine all three.
The trick in all cases is to stay calm and not to take anything that is said personally, no matter how stupid or offensive it might be. The key is to make social embarrassment work against the blowhard. If male, the blowhard is usually making a dominance display. In that case, refusing to be bullied without losing your temper is normally enough to make him look pretty small. If female in mixed company, the blowhard is probably signaling “in-group” membership: the underlying message might be “I want to belong.” Proceed accordingly.
I have lived for most of the last 30 years in deepest Blue State, academic, ecclesiastical, NGO, and European circles, and I can testify that these tactics are easy, painless, and highly effective.
Commenter FredHjr wonders:
I am very concerned that [Obama’s] popularity is quite high and is sticking there despite everything. This goes to my worry that the nation has indeed turned to the Left.
I share his concern. Those of us in the center or on the Right who follow the news closely are hard pressed to understand the attitude of those who still like Obama and his policies. Has the country really turned so far to the Left? Or are most people just not paying attention to what’s happening? Or do they simply not understand the logical consequences of Obama’s actions, especially in the economic sphere?
I can only answer by looking at those I know best—my friends and relatives—and doing a bit of speculating as well. To begin with, I’ve noticed that most of the people I know are very busy. Just to take one example, a good friend of mine (let’s call her Laurie) has a stressful job at which she works about seventy hours a week. She’s divorced and lives alone, so all the cleaning, shopping, upkeep of the house—everything she needs to do—falls on her. She also has a toddler grandchild whom she loves and visits regularly. The mother of this child (Laurie’s daughter) is pregnant, works full time (as does her husband), is not feeling well, and could use all the help my friend can give.
Laurie expresses an interest in following what’s happening in the news, but she is simply too exhausted. And that exhaustion is real; I can see it. Her priorities are her job and her family and the things she must do, and when she gets the rare chance to relax the last thing she is drawn to doing is to read gloomy news headlines.
Or to read blog posts of mine, even though I’m her good friend. Laurie has made it clear that she is interested in reading them, at least in the abstract. She (unlike many of my other friends) is curious about different points of view. Also, she has told me that she’s actually somewhat conservative economically. But although I’ve expressed my deep concern about Obama especially in the economic sphere, she has told me she doesn’t have the time or energy to read the details even if I were to send them to her.
My guess is that Laurie (and/or many of my other friends, as well as other people who are not Leftists) not only lacks the time and energy to follow all of this too closely, but is almost fearful of doing so. After all, if what I say is true, it would not only challenge many of her assumptions, and make her feel bad about the vote she cast back in November (which was—albeit somewhat reluctantly—for Obama), but it would also greatly increase her already considerable and almost unbearable stress. Who would intentionally seek out such a state? Not very many people.
And so some of what’s going on is a tense avoidance, an immersion in the tasks of day-to-day life, which for most people in the present recession are plenty stressful enough. And there’s a certain amount of reinforcement for this “don’t ask, don’t tell” point of view; after all, hasn’t the US done pretty well so far? Haven’t we dodged a great many bullets, and haven’t most of our fears not come to pass? Is eternal vigilance on the part of every citizen necessary?
That may work in ordinary times. But these are no ordinary times.
I’ve used Laurie as a symbol for one sort of reaction. But there are others. Take Margaret as another example. She is much closer to what one might call a Leftist. She doesn’t hesitate to talk about politics, and if she doesn’t follow events especially closely, she certainly reads the Times and listens to NPR and watches CNN.
Margaret is very happy about what’s going on; she finds Obama refreshing, charismatic, and inspirational, a wonderful corrective to the awful Bush years. She believes that the US has done terrible things for which it must atone, that we need to take our place as only one humble nation among many, and that income redistribution and higher taxes are the way to go.
But when I talk to Margaret, the foundations of her Leftism seem very different from those of the few ideological Leftists I’ve talk to. She has not read nor does she quote any theoreticians on the Left, for example, nor can she express the principles of the Left except in terms more appropriate to social work: she believes the Left will do good in the world. Her beliefs are passionately held, and are expressed in very emotional terms, but she doesn’t see it that way. And although she makes an exception for me and remains my friend, she thinks that those who think other than she does are in general bad and selfish people.
Then there’s Catherine. She is very religious, and she would talk politics with me except that we’ve learned to avoid the subject because the discussion always becomes too heated and never leads anywhere. I learned quite some time ago that, even more than with Margaret, Catherine’s beliefs are faith-based and not subject to argument or what I would call logic. For example, war is just plain unacceptable to her. The fact that her particular religion (Catholicism) has a more nuanced view of war is not the point; she is an absolute pacifist. She also believes in a Christian ideal of self-sacrifice. Catherine most definitely puts her money where her mouth is: she owns very little, and gives away a great deal.
And then there’s Wendy, who’s probably most typical of the greatest number of my friends—and perhaps of most liberals. She’s a very well-educated teacher. She is comfortable but not rich. She lives in a blue state and most of her friends are of like mind; I just might be the only person she has regular contact with who doesn’t identify (anymore) as liberal. She reads the news more or less the way I used to: she skims the headlines in the MSM and reads some of the articles if they happen to interest her. She also watches a bit of cable news (never Fox!), maybe Jon Stewart on occasion, and her face lights up when she says how wonderful the Obama presidency has been so far.
Wendy doesn’t want to talk to me about politics, and so I don’t talk to her about them either. I keep thinking that, if I could be locked up with her in a room for about a month (no waterboarding allowed!) and we could just talk, I could change her mind on a number of very important things. Perhaps that’s just hubris on my part. But at any rate, it’s irrelevant, because she’s not interested in listening even for a few minutes, and so I’m not talking.
My sample is small and non-representative: middle-aged middle class white women. But I somehow think they stand for very many: most are not really on the Left, except for one or two—and even their Leftism is not ideologically based but rather emotionally or even spiritually driven. The others are liberals, displaying varied combinations of traits: fearful avoidance, stress, contentment, disinterest, and/or ignorance.
What would it take to change their minds? A great crisis that happens on Obama’s watch? But my guess is that it would take more than that to have them make the connection between his policies and the consequences, especially if the press doesn’t make that connection explicit for them.
It’s very sobering, but I don’t think the phenomenon represents a grounded ideological turn to the Left so much as a coming together of a group of trends that have been building for decades: MSM bias towards a more liberal and even Leftist point of view, the norming of PC thinking, historic revisionism to emphasize America’s flaws and errors, the glorification of emotion over logic as a mode of thought, and the need to be thought of as a good and kind person and the identification of those traits with liberalism. And it will take a great dose of reality, and the ability to make connections between policies and their effects, to change this drift.
One of the odd things about Obama’s presidency so far is that, although he’s been consistent in his habit of changing his mind, he’s been somewhat inconsistent in the direction he’s gone when he does so.
In the case of the war on terror, he has—at least temporarily and sporadically—tacked somewhat to the Right of his campaign rhetoric, much to the dismay of the Left. It turns out that perhaps the villainous Bush wasn’t so very awful after all; some of the choices he made about wiretaps and military tribunals may have been difficult to accept, but they were probably the best ones possible at the time, since Obama is keeping some of them in place and studying others.
But on the all-important issue of the economy, Obama has veered sharply and consistently to the Left of his campaign persona—except for a few revealing pre-election slips here and there (that only the Right seemed to notice) such as his “spread the wealth” statement to Joe the Plumber. Obama has used the financial crisis as an opportunity to remake this country in a far more radical direction than he initially indicated; one that could be called ultra-liberal, socialist, statist, European welfare model, or all of the above, depending on your inclination.
What’s a person to make of this? Karl Rove observes the following, with which I concur:
Mr. Obama’s appealing campaign images turned out to have been fleeting. He ran hard to the left on national security to win the nomination, only to discover the campaign commitments he made were shallow and at odds with America’s security interests.
Mr. Obama ran hard to the center on economic issues to win the general election. He has since discovered his campaign commitments were obstacles to ramming through the most ideologically liberal economic agenda since the Great Society.
Mr. Obama either had very little grasp of what governing would involve or, if he did, he used words meant to mislead the public. Neither option is particularly encouraging.
No, not very encouraging.
And the behavior continues. In today’s foreign policy speech, Obama tacked to the Left again on security, indicating that he’s not given up defending his rash promise to close Guantanamo despite the lack of what might be called an exit strategy, and despite the current opposition of much of his own party. Nor has he stopped repeating as an unsubstantiated article of faith that techniques such as waterboarding have enhanced recruitment for al Qaeda rather than detracted from it. Nor has he finally acknowledged the benefits such techniques accrued in terms of protecting the US from planned future attacks.
In his speech, Obama refered to “brutal methods like water-boarding” and explicitly “reject[s] the assertion that these are the most effective means of interrogation.” Note three things: (a) he refers to “brutal methods” in the plural, although as far as I know there’s been no assertion that any technique other than waterboarding has raised serious objections; (b) he ignores the fact that this particular method was used on a total of three hardened terrorists who had failed to respond to all other methods of questioning, and who were rightly suspected to hold information about imminent attacks on US citizens; and (c) he denies the fact that such methods did yield important information about these attacks, unobtainable by other means that had already been tried on them.
Lofty rhetoric does not change these facts, although it (and the cooperation of the press) can certainly help keep them from the attention of the American public.
Meanwhile, the decidedly uncharismatic Dick Cheney continues his efforts to defend the Bush administration in a speech that immediately followed Obama’s. In his address, Cheney went back in memory to describe the experience of 9/11 and the mindset that followed it, both of which were instrumental in the decisions he and Bush made at the time about national security. He stated [emphasis mine]:
We had a lot of blind spots after the attacks on our country. We didn’t know about al-Qaeda’s plans, but Khalid Sheikh Muhammed and a few others did know. And with many thousands of innocent lives potentially in the balance, we didn’t think it made sense to let the terrorists answer questions in their own good time, if they answered them at all…
CIA personnel trained to deal with a few malevolent men….were carefully chosen from within the CIA, and were specially prepared to apply techniques within the boundaries of their training and the limits of the law. Torture was never permitted, and the methods were given careful legal review before they were approved. Interrogators had authoritative guidance on the line between toughness and torture, and they knew to stay on the right side of it.
Even before the interrogation program began, and throughout its operation, it was closely reviewed to ensure that every method used was in full compliance with the Constitution, statutes, and treaty obligations. On numerous occasions, leading members of Congress, including the current speaker of the House, were briefed on the program and on the methods. Yet for all these exacting efforts to do a hard and necessary job and to do it right, we hear from some quarters nothing but feigned outrage based on a false narrative.
I’m not sure that Obama’s outrage is feigned, although I am quite certain that Nancy Pelosi’s and that of many other Democrats is. But feigned outrage or sincere, President Obama is misrepresenting the facts to the American people.
Of course, Obama is free to decide to reject waterboarding as a technique in the future. There are certainly valid arguments to be made for that stance—but one of them cannot be that it didn’t work, or that other methods would have gotten the same results. And it’s no accident that, despite Obama’s release of the so-called “torture memos,” he’s refused to let the American public see the evidence that would prove their efficacy in preventing attacks. That would go against his own “false narrative.”
[NOTE: Here’s an interesting tidbit of information: Dick Cheney’s approval numbers have been going up since he left office, even before delivering today’s speech.]
In what seemed to be a stock market freefall back in March, some people panicked and did exactly what you’re not supposed to do: sell low, at what now appears to have possibly been the bottom of the market drop. They sustained huge losses, of course, but thought they were buying peace of mind—they couldn’t take the bear market heat, so they got out of the bear market kitchen.
Some of them don’t regret it. But many are kicking themselves, since the Dow has rallied 26% since then. But instead of self-flagellation, they should remind themselves that the lows in March are still only the lows so far, and that the rally of the last month or so is reversible.
That’s true of any rally (and any drop), of course; it’s the nature of the market that all trends are temporary, and those who don’t realize that, and who counted on the continuation of the seemingly never-ending bull market of recent years, were fooling themselves. If they lack the stomach to ride the inherent instability of the stock market, they need to get out.
As for me—well, as I’ve written before, I’m inherently risk-averse about investing. And yet, in a post-divorce situation, relying on the counsel of a so-called expert, I found myself buying at a level that turned out in retrospect to have been high. Then, when the crash happened, my instincts were with the people I’ve just described: to bail at the low point. But it’s an urge I’ve managed to resist so far, and thus (at least on paper) I’ve recouped some some of the money I would have lost if I’d succumbed in March and gotten out.
If I had it to do over again I’d have followed my gut and taken on less risk in the first place. But I don’t have it to do over again, and so I’ve decided to hold on for now, far more aware of inherent risks that I always knew were there anyway. I’ve tried to cultivate a philosophical attitude: when I find myself looking back and starting to tell myself some version of “oh, if only I’d (fill in the blank) back in (fill in the blank), then I’d have (fill in the blank) more money than I do now,” I block that thought as best I can.
And yet I understand—boy, do I ever understand!—those who bailed and are kicking themselves right now. Of course, in a little while, they may have the last laugh.
Why? Here’s why.
The group is one of those supposedly greedy first-line creditors that got shoved out of the way and dissed as insufficiently self-sacrificing by President Obama in his mad dash to reward his union friends in the Chrysler restructuring. The Retirement Fund didn’t object when the deal was first announced, but seems to have recovered its fight. Now the group is suing, joined by two other Indiana state pension funds in much the same position.
I say good for them. It will be interesting to see what the court has to say about the following arguments, which seem awfully logical to me:
In a court filing on Wednesday, the Indiana funds accused the government of adopting a strategy of “the ends justify the means”.
They also said the Treasury “has taken constructive possession of Chrysler and is requiring it to adopt a sale plan in bankruptcy that violates the most fundamental principles of creditor rights—that first-tier secured creditors have absolute priority”.
…The funds also allege that Tarp funds were meant to be funnelled only to financial institutions.
“Whatever powers the Treasury department may have under Tarp,” the funds said, “it does not have the power to control the entire restructuring of a company to the detriment of the company’s secured creditors and for the benefit of other interest groups so that certain broader policy and political objectives may be achieved.”