Paul Mirengoff tackles the question, and his answer is maybe not, but it depends how huge the defeat is.
Personally, I’ve never quite understood down-ballot effects, although I acknowledge that they most definitely exist. I have no problem splitting my vote, or going to the polls whether or not I care about the biggest races or even whether there’s a big race at all. But I also am aware I’m not exactly typical of much of anybody, and that psychologically speaking it makes sense to be more motivated to vote when there’s enthusiasm for the top of the ticket.
Mirengoff writes (citing an article on the subject by Charlie Cook):
First, there aren’t that many competitive races for House seats. Second, voter doubts about Hillary Clinton and the desire to check her power as president will, in Cook’s view, likely rein in a down ballot effect. The Democrats may well win the Senate, but probably not because of Donald Trump.
There’s a third reason why a Trump defeat might not spill over. As Cook suggests, traditional Republican voters who don’t support Trump are likely to turn out in large numbers to try to make sure Hillary has to deal with a Republican Congress. They might also be joined by folks who usually don’t vote but are inspired to by Trump.
Sounds plausible, but (as Mirengoff later adds) it may depend on the size of the Trump defeat. The bigger the defeat, the worse it will be for the other GOP candidates.
I suppose that’s true. But to me it still seems possible that a big defeat will cause even more people to come out and elect more Republicans to Congress in an effort to thwart Hillary’s power as president. Maybe that’s just wishful thinking on my part, but it’s a possibility that has some logic to it.
Why are we talking about a big Trump defeat? Because that’s the way it looks (and has looked to me for quite some time), and there are now only three months to go till the election. In fact, one of the reasons (not the only one, but perhaps the biggest one) I spent the primaries arguing so desperately against a Trump nomination was that I have always seen him as a sure loser in the general.
That wasn’t just based on a hunch, either, although that was indeed what my gut told me. It was based on evidence in the polls that not only was Trump unlikely to win, but that he would be the worst of all the GOP candidates against Hillary, and that anyone who said otherwise was hopefully spinning the evidence (see this for one of many posts of mine on the subject).
Now, I don’t usually make such bold predictions about election outcomes, but as early as August of 2015 I saw Trump as a very possible GOP nomination winner. See for example this post, which I wrote on August 22, 2015:
From the start of Trump’s rise in the polls I’ve taken him very seriously as a phenomenon. I haven’t understood those who casually asserted “He’s never going to win the nomination.” I’ve long thought he could…
So already, only about two months into the process, I had “long thought” Trump could win the nomination. But I never thought he could win the general, and that was a source of great turmoil for me as I watched him gain ground and I began to realize he was the almost inevitable nominee and the almost inevitable loser to Hillary Clinton.
That’s why during the primaries I saw every vote for the abominable Trump—however well-intentioned the voter might be—as a vote enabling the abominable Hillary. And now, when I am told by Trump supporters that not voting for the abominable Trump is a vote for the abominable Hillary, I confess I sometimes feel like telling those who voted for Trump long ago, when there were other excellent GOP choices available in the primaries: you should have thought of that earlier.
Yes, yes, it’s all water over the dam, don’t look back, we must deal with the situation as it is now. But that situation seems a tragic one, and I keep thinking it didn’t have to be this way.
The closest I ever came to revising my prediction that Trump’s loss to Hillary was inevitable was during a brief period post-RNC when Trump was doing well in the polls, and I revised Trump’s chances of winning to 1 in 3 (unfortunately, I can’t find the link to that post or comment, but that’s my recollection of the figure I picked at that point). Now I’d say I’m back to maybe 1 in 20, and that’s being kind to him.
For a Republican to become president, some combination of the following things must happen, preferably all of them but absolutely at least one:
(1) hold the base and get the vast majority of the Republican votes, preferably above 90%
(2) get a majority of Independents’ votes
(3) get some Democrats’ votes, more than 10%
I see no evidence that Trump has done any of these things, according to the polls I’ve read. Nor was he doing them consistently earlier.
Wishful thinking has driven the Trump voters from the start—both as to his chances, and about who he is and what he’s about. So I’ll add some wishful thinking of my own: I hope I’m wrong on both scores. I hope he beats Hillary and (this is an all-important part) that he’s a far far better man, and president, than I think he is or would be.
