A commenter writes:
There are many irrational men and many rational women, but it is an unfortunate truth that a majority female vote got every Democrat President elected since women’s sufferage. Women are much more susceptible to the concept of a paternal, Federal government.
There is no question that women have been voting for Democrats more than men have in recent years. And I must say that, when I read the comment, I thought it was probably correct. But I decided to check, and I found something quite interesting and quite different has been going on since women got the vote in this country.
Before I get into that, I want to mention that “everybody knows” that in 2016 women voted far more for Hillary Clinton than for Trump. But it turns out it was actually nowhere near as simple as that. In fact, more white women voted for Trump than for Hillary, and non-college-educated white women voted for Trump in especially overwhelming numbers:
Women did vote overwhelmingly to elect Clinton, but it was white women who helped hand Trump the presidency, according to Edison national election poll. Overall, 54% of women voted for Clinton, much higher than the 42% of women who voted for Trump. But when the women’s vote is divided by race, it becomes clear that black women actually largely drove the so-called gender gap against Trump.
The majority of non-college educated white women (64%) voted for Trump, while 35% backed Clinton.
Minority women, on the other hand, voted for Clinton in overwhelming numbers. So “women” is not a unitary group. And although since 1980 women have definitely been more likely than men to vote Democratic, that was not the case earlier. So if the nature of women hadn’t changed in those years, it may have been the messages that changed.
Did the Democratic Party find a more effective way to exploit women’s vulnerability to certain messages (such as, for example, Romney’s completely innocuous “binders of women”)? Probably. Feminism had its role, too.
Here’s a deeper dive into the historical record, and you’ll see that the situation used to be quite different:
…Prior to 1980 there were two presidential candidates for whom women voted at notably greater rates than did men: Herbert Hoover and Dwight Eisenhower.
The election of 1928 could well be called the “year of the woman voter.” Throughout the 1920s, the mass of women had been relatively apathetic about politics, enthused by only a few local candidates and none of the national ones. But Hoover was so popular that he became known as “the woman’s candidate.” (McCormick 1928, 22; Smith 1929, 126; Barnard, 1928, 555). Some of his popularity derived from his role as Food Administrator during the Great War, and some from the importance of Prohibition in the election of 1928. Hoover was Dry, Smith was Wet, and it was commonly assumed that women wanted Prohibition to be enforced. Women registered to vote in record numbers, and the Republican Party’s Women’s Division was “besieged by unprecedented numbers of women who wanted to participate in the campaign.” (Morrison 1978, 84). Hoover was endorsed by the National Woman’s Party, the only major party Presidential candidate to be endorsed by a specifically feminist organization prior to 1984.
When the dust settled both private and public commentators were impressed with women’s greatly increased turnout to vote, and with their strong support for Hoover. While scientific polling did not yet exist, straw polls recorded a gender gap. Robinson’s review of these polls concluded that the Hearst poll was the most accurate; it had predicted that 60 percent of women and 56 percent of men would vote for Hoover. (Robinson 1932, 92). Private reports to the RNC and to FDR estimated larger differentials, some that women were ten percent more likely than men to vote for Hoover…
Attention to women faded in the election of 1932, dominated as it was by the Depression, and fewer observations were recorded. However, when Gallup surveyed expected voters in 1936, he asked those who had voted in 1932 to declare their choice. Of those who said they had voted, 63 % of the men were for FDR, but only 57 % of the women. Only 35 % of the men said they voted for Hoover, compared to 41 % of the women. (AIPO (Gallup) Poll #53)
So, rather surprisingly, FDR was more popular among men than among women, as best we can tell.
More:
This differential voting pattern [between men and women voters] faded to less than two percent in Presidential elections until 1952. Polls of voters done before and after that election found women were five percent more likely to vote for Eisenhower than were men, though both gave him a majority. Republican women gleefully claimed that women had elected him President (Priest 1953), and this belief soon became “firmly enshrined among American political lore.”…
The election of 1960 saw women once again fade from political sight. Some of this was due to the ongoing campaign of the DNC to downplay the idea that there was a woman’s vote, and some was due to the rise of new issues. The gender gap dropped to between 2 and 3 % in 1960 — too small to be statistically significant but implying that women still voted more frequently for the Republican candidate…
In 1964 as in 1960 the gender gap of 2 to 3 % was too small to be significant, but it was notable because, for the first time, women were more likely than men to vote for the Democratic Presidential candidate. In 1968 43 % of both men and women said they voted for Nixon. But men were 4 % more likely to vote for George Wallace (16% to 12%) while women were more likely to vote for Humphrey (45% to 41%)…
What’s notable about this history is not merely that there was a gender gap prior to 1980, but that the pattern shifted. Previously the Republican Party had been the beneficiary of woman suffrage; subsequently the Democratic Party was. Furthermore, this change correlates with different attitudes by the national parties toward women and women’s rights. While partisan differences were not large prior to 1980, they were present. Historically, it was the Republican Party that was the party of women’s rights, and the Democratic Party that was the home of anti-feminism. After the new feminist movement rose in the 1960s-70s, the parties switched sides. (Freeman 1987)
Interesting, no?