I’ve long been pretty cynical about politics and politicians, and I’ve gotten much more so over the years. Unfortunately, I think that increasing cynicism is justified.
But despite that, I’m not the most cynical person in the world about politics. I’m not even the most cynical person about politics among the commenters on this blog. I try to be cynical in a way that’s justified by events as I see them, but not automatically cynical about everything and everyone in politics, a field about which a great deal of cynicism is, regrettably, justified.
For an example of cynicism, see this comment:
[quoting a question from baltimoron]:how did Sinema end up being THE senator holding up the federal elections bill?
[answer] Same way McCain did for repealing Obamacare, fix was in and someone needs to take the heat for the others, someone who can survive it with their own voters.
To me, “fix was in” usually means something illegal or shady or corrupt. With Sinema, “fix was in” doesn’t necessarily mean that – and I wouldn’t use that phrase. I believe that it may be the case that there are other Democrats in more vulnerable positions in the Senate who agree with Sinema that it’s not a good idea to eliminate the filibuster in an evenly-divided Senate (VP as tiebreaker) in order to pass a bill as divisive and extreme and partisan as HR1, and that they prefer to keep their mouths shut and let Sinema be their mouthpiece. To me, that’s not a “fix,” that’s just normal politics.
However, I think the situation with McCain and the Obamacare “skinny repeal” actually did blindside the Republican leadership (see this on the subject). I followed the proceedings pretty closely at the time, and my evaluation was that McCain’s vote seemed to come as a surprise. Plus McCain was already suffering from the brain cancer which killed him a year later, and I wonder how that affected the whole thing. He was not the only Republican who voted against the bill, either, but he was the surprise because the others were known to be against it (Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski), and he was the deciding vote.
One important distinction between Obamacare and HR1 was that, prior to that vote of McCain’s in the case of the Obamacare “repeal and replace,” the GOP was very much divided on what the solution might be. Over the years, I had read many articles and wrote many posts analyzing the various proposals for health care insurance, and what their pros and cons were. The problem was an inherently difficult one as well as being quite technical, and there were arguments within the party that were real and fact-based.
That is not the case with HR1 for the Republicans. They seem quite united against it, and they know it’s of the utmost importance (even for their own re-election chances).
But a point of view I’ve seen time and again over the years is the idea that it’s all political theater and that no one in politics is sincere when stating his or her supposed principles. No one even has any principles except self-interest, and self-interest often involves money. I agree that there are very prominent aspects of that sort of thing in politics (and always will be, by the way). But I don’t think it’s as completely universal as that, and I have to trust my gut when I evaluate politicians’ sincerity. “Politicians’ sincerity” sounds like an oxymoron, and it very often is. But not all the time.
On the question “how did Sinema end up being THE senator holding up the federal elections bill?” I will add that, if you read her recent speech explaining her refusal to eliminate the filibuster, you’ll see that the principles she’s stating there are the very same principles about which she wrote a book.
A book? Sinema wrote (or perhaps had a ghostwriter write, with her approval) a book?
Sinema is young; she’s 45. She’s only been a senator since January of 2019, but prior to that she was a member of the US House of Representatives (January 2013 – January 2019), the Arizona Senate (January 2011 to January 2012) and a member of the Arizona House of Representatives (January 2005- January 2011). In other words, she’s been a politician almost continually since she was 28 years old.
Sinema’s book was written in June of 2009, so that’s when was still in the Arizona House, which was her first elected position. It’s called Unite and Conquer: How to Build Coalitions That Win#and Last. Reading the description, there is no doubt that Sinema was on the left, and I believe she remains firmly in that camp. However, here’s something to ponder in the book’s description:
Old-school divide-and-conquer tactics—demonizing opponents, frightening voters, refusing to compromise—may make us feel good about the purity of our ideals, but it’s no way to get anything done. Worse, this approach betrays some of the most cherished ideals of the progressive movement: inclusion, reason, justice, and hope. Illuminated by examples from her own work and a host of campaigns across the country, Kyrsten Sinema shows how to forge connections—both personal and political—with seemingly unlikely allies and define our values, interests, and objectives in ways that broaden our range of potential partners and expand our tactical options. With irreverent humor, enthralling campaign stories, and solid, practical advice, Sinema enables us to move past “politics as war” and build support for progressive causes on the foundation of our common humanity.
The cynical among you may say that’s a bunch of horse manure, and her goals are evil leftist goals (the term “progressive” is a smokescreen). But when I read that book description, I see parallels to the gist of her speech on the filibuster. She supports the abominable “progressive” HR1, but does not support ending the filibuster to pass it narrowly. Here are some quotes from the speech, and you’ll see that it matches the book description pretty well:
Consider this: in recent years, nearly every party-line response to the problems we face in this body, every partisan action taken to protect a cherished value, has led us to more division, not less.
The impact is clear for all to see – the steady escalation of tit-for-tat, in which each new majority weakens the guardrails of the Senate and excludes input from the other party, furthering resentment and anger amongst this body and our constituents at home…
…[E]liminating the 60-vote threshold will simply guarantee that we lose a critical tool that we need to safeguard our democracy from threats in the years to come.
It is clear that the two parties’ strategies are not working – not for either side, and especially not for the country…
The past years have shown: when a party in control pushes party-line changes exceeding their electoral mandate, the bitterness within our politics is exacerbated, tensions are raised within the country, and traditionally non-partisan issues are transformed into partisan wedges.
We must address the disease itself – the disease of division – to protect our democracy.
It cannot be achieved by one party alone. It cannot be achieved solely by the federal government…
We must commit to a long-term approach as serious as the problems we seek to solve – one that prioritizes listening and understanding. One that embraces making progress on shared priorities, and finding common ground on issues where we hold differing and diverse views…
This work is our shared responsibility as Americans…
Congress was designed to bring together Americans of diverse views, representing different interests and – as a collective – to find compromise and common ground to serve our country as a whole.
We face serious challenges, and meeting them must start with a willingness to be honest, to listen to one another, to lower the political temperature, and to seek lasting solutions.
That’s a long quote, but I offer it as an indication – along with the book description – that Sinema has been consistent over the years and that she currently means what she says. Sinema herself is dedicated to leftist policies. But despite her leftism, she appears to me at least to be one of the few who sincerely believe that unless the majority agrees, it’s just not worth passing some transformative legislation that will only cause the country to tear itself apart – although the cynic in me thinks she believes that because, without stronger and broader support, the leftist policies that are muscled through won’t have staying power.