The assassination of JFK has been fading slowly from memory, becoming ever more the stuff of legend because no one under fifty personally remembers anything about it, and everyone over fifty has probably said almost all there is to say (much of it false) over and over and over again.
But the anniversary is here nevertheless, and in remembrance of the occasion I’m re-posting this contemporaneous description of the immediate aftermath of the assassination. It was written by John Updike and appeared originally in The New Yorker. For me, it conjures up the jumbled surreal quality of the horror and the riveting fascination of the non-stop television coverage (something quite new in our experience) very well:
It was as if we slept from Friday to Monday and dreamed an oppressive, unsearchably significant dream, which, we discovered on awaking, millions of others had dreamed also. Furniture, family, the streets, and the sky dissolved, only the dream on television was real. The faces of the world’s great mingled with the faces of landladies who happened to house an unhappy ex-Marine; cathedrals alternated with warehouses; temples of government with suburban garages; anonymous men tugged at a casket in a glaring airport; a murder was committed before our eyes; a Dallas strip-tease artist drawled amiably of her employer’s quick temper; the heads of state of the Western world strode down a sunlit street like a grim village rabble; and Jacqueline Kennedy became Persephone, the Queen of Hades and the beautiful bride of grief. All human possibilities, of magnificence and courage, of meanness and confusion, seemed to find an image in this long montage, and a stack of cardboard boxes in Dallas, a tawdry movie house, a tiny rented room where some shaving cream still clung to the underside of a washbasin, a row of parking meters that had witnessed a panicked flight all acquired the opaque and dreadful importance that innocent objects acquire in nightmares.
I’ve written before about my rejection of Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories, and the reasons I came to that conclusion (here and here). I’ll repeat a quote from Vincent Bugliosi that I featured in one of those posts:
It is remarkable that conspiracy theorists can believe that groups like the CIA, military-industrial complex, and FBI would murder the president, but cannot accept the likelihood, even the possibility, that a nut like Oswald would flip out and commit the act, despite the fact that there is a ton of evidence that Oswald killed Kennedy, and not an ounce showing that any of these groups had anything to do with the assassination.
It is further remarkable that these conspiracy theorists aren’t troubled in the least by their inability to present any evidence that Oswald was set up and framed. For them, the mere belief or speculation that he was is a more-than-adequate substitute for evidence. More importantly, there is a simple fact of life that Warren Commission critics and conspiracy theorists either don’t realize or fail to take into consideration, something I learned from my experience as a prosecutor; namely, that in the real world – you know, the world in which when I talk you can hear me, there will be a dawn tomorrow, et cetera – you cannot be innocent and yet still have a prodigious amount of highly incriminating evidence against you”¦
”¦[T]he evidence against Oswald is so great that you could throw 80% of it out the window and there would still be more than enough to prove his guilt beyond all reasonable doubt”¦
The Warren Commission critics and conspiracy theorists display an astonishing inability to see the vast forest of evidence proving Oswald’s guilt because of their penchant for obsessing over the branches, even the individual branches. And, because virtually all of them have no background in criminal investigation, they look at each leaf (piece of evidence) by itself, hardly ever in relation to, and in the context of, all the other evidence.
And to bring us up to date, the NY Times was ready for this week’s anniversary by pretending that righties in Dallas were somehow responsible for killing Kennedy because they “willed” it. Vulcan mind-meld, anyone?
It’s never been easy for the left to admit that a Communist killed JFK. So, as the event recedes into the ever-more-distant background, why not recycle the tired old tried-and-untrue narrative that it was the fault of the right? The mechanism this time was a NY Times op-ed by James McAuley, entitled “The City With a Death Wish in Its Eye: Dallas’s Role in Kennedy’s Murder.” It begins:
For 50 years, Dallas has done its best to avoid coming to terms with the one event that made it famous: the assassination of John F. Kennedy on Nov. 22, 1963. That’s because, for the self-styled “Big D,” grappling with the assassination means reckoning with its own legacy as the “city of hate,” the city that willed the death of the president.
How about a rewrite? If I were the editor of the paper, I might say:
For 50 years, the left has done its best to avoid coming to terms with the one event that made it famous: the assassination of John F. Kennedy on Nov. 22, 1963. That’s because, for the self-styled “progressives,” grappling with the assassination means reckoning with its own legacy as the “people of hate,” the group that wills the death of anyone they don’t agree with.
McAuley seems to be working out some Dallas family demons of his own in the article (you have to read the whole thing to see what I’m talking about). But the “Wanted” posters in Dallas that day fifty years ago that McAuley mentions (put out, by the way, by General Edwin Walker’s group) were mild compared to what the left would generate forty-odd years later on a daily basis against George W. Bush, and the famous ad in the Dallas paper that day was likewise a relatively ordinary series of questions highly critical of his policy, its black border only taking on an especially ominous significance afterward.
It’s hard to believe the Dallas right was an inspiration for the actual killer, the Communist Lee Harvey Oswald, who in another strange coincidence had tried unsuccessfully to assassinate Walker himself just a few months before Oswald’s successful attack on Kennedy. As for the influence of Dallas on Oswald, he had only lived there (or in nearby Fort Worth) for the years from first to sixth grade, spending the bulk of his youth in New Orleans, with a two-year stay in New York (the Bronx, to be specific) and then back to New Orleans: “By the age of 17, he had resided at 22 different locations and attended 12 different schools.”
Oswald had dropped out of school and joined the Marines, then defected to the USSR and lived there for nearly three years. He came back to Dallas because he had family there, attempted to kill General Walker about ten months later, almost immediately moved back to New Orleans for about five months, and then tried to get to Cuba through Mexico, and only returned to Dallas in early October 1963. He got the Texas School Book Depository job in mid-October, and started living in a Texas rooming house during the week and visiting his wife (who was living with friends in nearby Irving) on weekends.
A little over a month later, Kennedy visited Dallas—the motorcade route having been published in the newspaper just a few days earlier—and the rest, as they say, is history. But it’s hard to see Oswald as a product of Dallas in any meaningful way, much less of the right in Dallas.
Of course, none of this matters to the Times and writers like McAuley. They have their own bones to pick and their own fish to fry and their own use to make of the 50th anniversary of the assassination.


