Fred Barnes says that “everybody got everything wrong” in trying to predict the 2016 race:
Nearly everything that was expected to happen in the 2016 presidential race hasn’t, and many things that weren’t expected have. The rise of Donald Trump””even that he would run””was not predicted. Nor was the fall of Scott Walker or the weakness of Jeb Bush’s candidacy. Polls have proved to be unreliable indicators of where the Republican and Democratic campaigns are headed. Hillary Clinton’s coronation as Democratic nominee, we were told, was a sure thing. Now she’s sliding toward underdog status…
The biggest change is the revolt of angry conservatives, who make up a large chunk of the GOP base.
I’ve got respect for Barnes, but my goodness: anyone with even a cursory familiarity with conservative blogs (or who has listened to Mark Levin’s show at least once, as I have) has to have known about the angry conservatives for at least the past four years, and probably a great deal longer than that.
And I’m sure I’m not the only one who doubted Jeb Bush’s drawing power in 2016, despite his money. In a post in early April titled “Jeb Bush: the candidate without a constituency” I wrote the following:
I’ve heard for years about the Republican “establishment” pushing this candidate or that candidate on the rank and file. Most of the time it’s seemed untrue to me.
But it seems absolutely on target with the current talk of Jeb Bush for 2016. He has no natural constituency. There is nothing special””or especially appealing””about him as a candidate. His name, IMHO, is a liability rather than an asset, both with Republicans and with Democrats.
So who would be voting for Bush in a primary? Darned if I know.
[NOTE: In choosing a category for this post, I thought about including him in “people of interest.” But the opposite is the point: he’s a person without interest.]
That’s not to say that Bush couldn’t pull it off somehow. But I consider it, and have always considered it, a longshot. One advantage Bush has, however—and it could end up mattering—is that aforementioned money. The candidates with less support will drop out because they can’t sustain their campaigns without an influx of money, and Bush already has a big war chest. Trump, of course, can go on and on, even without many donations, as long as he’s willing to spend his own money. Money is a big factor in campaigns, but as we’re learning with Bush, it’s not the only thing.
As for Hillary Clinton, she’s fallen further faster than I would have thought. It’s not so much because of the emails, although that hasn’t helped; I doubt her base cares much about them. It’s because her performances when put on the spot by a couple of tougher-than-usual questions has been less than stellar. She doesn’t appear sharp and she doesn’t appear trustworthy; she seems shifty, evasive, uncertain, false.
You may say that she’s always seemed that way. But if so, it’s a great deal more apparent now, so apparent that even some of her base is uneasy and is casting about for an alternative. Unfortunately for them, no really good alternative has shown up. If Biden is the best they can offer, he certainly might win, but I wouldn’t call that a strong candidate.
Who was it who said that Republicans were the party of old white folk? It appears right now to be the Democrats who answer to that description.
