Commenter “F” writes:
The thing about identity politics that always confuses me is why Democrats are able to benefit from it. They have the black vote in Chicago, for example, but are black Chicagoans better off after having voted D for decades? It would not appear that way. And we have all heard what the minority unemployment figures are under Trump — better than they’ve ever been, in some cases. But the Democrats still took the House. I just don’t get it.
Good point. And then F answers his/her own question, at least partially:
Saying you care is worth more votes than showing through policies that you care.
So I’ll just expand a bit more on the reasons I think this happens.
The conservative message is rather like a “tough-love” one. It doesn’t sell all that well, because it asks people to forego easy, quick solutions for longer-term ones that might require some sacrifice. Human nature is such that this isn’t necessarily convincing.
But it’s especially unconvincing because of the modern tendency towards imagology, something I’ve discussed several times before. To refresh your memory, here’s a quote from the Czech author Milan Kundera describing the phenomenon:
…[I]magology is stranger than reality, which has anyway long ceased to be what it was for my grandmother, who lived in a Moravian village and still knew everything through her own experience: how bread is baked, how a house is built, how a pig is slaughtered and the meat smoked, what quilts are made of, what the priest and the schoolteacher think about the world; she met the whole village every day and knew how many murders were committed in the country over the last ten years; she had, so to speak, personal control over reality, and nobody could fool her by maintaining that Moravian agriculture was thriving when people at home had nothing to eat. My Paris neighbor spends his time an an office, where he sits for eight hours facing an office colleague, then he sits in his car and drives home, turns on the TV, and when the announcer informs him that in the latest public opinion poll the majority of Frenchmen voted their country the safest in Europe (I recently read such a report), he is overjoyed and opens a bottle of champagne without ever learning that three thefts and two murders were committed on his street that very day.
…[S]ince for contemporary man reality is a continent visited less and less often and, besides, justifiably disliked, the findings of polls have become a kind of higher reality, or to put it differently: they have become the truth. Public opinion polls are a parliament in permanent session, whose function it is to create truth, the most democratic truth that has ever existed.
Imagology has become especially strong, and cause-and-effect in politics is difficult to discern in terms of evaluating the policies of a given party. We all know how much arguing goes on, for example, about whether a certain president (pick a president, any president) is responsible for either a good or bad economy during his administration. It’s neither easy nor simple to figure out, although we try to simplify it, and statistics can usually be used to bolster either side of the argument.
Of course, a lot of people neither read the statistics nor understand them. But even for those who do, the situation is often murky. That leaves a lot of room—a lot of room—for propaganda and for confirmation bias.
Then we have political habit and tradition. If a person is surrounded by friends and family and newspapers that espouse one particular view, and has been since birth—for example, in many urban areas that means the liberal point of view—it takes an awful lot to strike out on one’s own and disagree, changing points of view and party. I’ve dedicated a lot of verbiage to that very topic (see this as well as this). And it’s not gotten easier over time to leave the circle, now that political polarization has reached a fever pitch.
