I’ve noticed—around the blogosphere in general as well as on some comments at yesterday’s thread about the twelve Republican senators who voted to block Trump’s declaration of a national emergency at the border—that quite a few people on the right are of the opinion that there was no excuse for voting against Trump’s declaration. The idea is that anyone who voted against what he did does not have the nation’s interests at heart, and that it’s clear and completely unequivocal that Trump’s declaration was totally legal.
I disagree somewhat. I happen to think that yes, Trump is allowed by law to do exactly what he did, and (as I wrote in yesterday’s post) that the correct action for Congress to take would be to repeal the act that gave him these powers, if they don’t like what he did. But they don’t want to do that, of course. Perhaps it’s too much work, perhaps it would be impossible to pass it, perhaps they want to keep the act in place so a future president can use it for things they want to see happen, perhaps all of the preceding. But that doesn’t change the fact that the correct approach would be to repeal the act and replace it with something more to their liking.
As for the legality of Trump’s declaration, Trump declared the national emergency under this act passed by Congress in 1976. Go to this previous post of mine and you’ll find a fairly lengthy discussion of how it works and whether his declaration conforms with that act. Here’s an excerpt:
The power of a president to declare a national emergency is a statutory one, enacted in 1976 to supersede a previous hodge-podge. Such a declaration needs to be renewed annually to be in effect, and Congress can revoke it “with either a joint resolution and the President’s signature, or with a veto-proof majority vote.”
Prior to the passage of that National Emergencies Act:
…[P]residents [had] asserted the power to declare emergencies without limiting their scope or duration, without citing the relevant statutes, and without congressional oversight. The Supreme Court in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer limited what a president could do in such an emergency, but did not limit the emergency declaration power itself.
Since the signing of that bill, there have been 42 national emergencies declared; most of them limited trade in various ways in accord with another act of Congress.
Under what conditions can a national emergency be declared? It’s pretty broad:
The Act authorized the President to activate emergency provisions of law via an emergency declaration on the conditions that the President specifies the provisions so activated and notifies Congress.
There are certain exceptions, but they don’t apply to the current case (one, for example, is regulating transactions in foreign gold and silver}. But Pelosi’s rhetoric aside, there are also 136 enumerated and relatively specific powers granted, and you can find a list of them here (written in December of 2018):
Unknown to most Americans, a vast set of laws gives the president greatly enhanced powers during emergencies. President Donald Trump’s threats to bypass Congress and secure funding for a wall along the border with Mexico by declaring a national emergency are not just posturing. The Brennan Center, building on previous research, has identified 123 statutory powers that may become available to the president when de [sic] declares a national emergency, including two that might offer some legal cover for his wall-building ambitions (10 U.S.C. 2808 (a) and 33 U.S.C. 2293 on our list…).
Here is 10 U.S.C. 2808(a):
Secretary of Defense, without regard to any other provision of law, may undertake military construction projects, and may authorize Secretaries of the military departments to undertake military construction projects, that are necessary to support such use of the armed forces.
And the one I consider more relevant, 33 U.S.C. 2293:
Secretary of the Army may terminate or defer any Army civil works project and apply the resources, including funds, personnel, and equipment, of the Army’s civil works program to authorized civil works, military construction, and civil defense projects that are essential to the national defense, without regard to any other provision of law.
Looking at that, I think it’s relatively straightforward that the president has very broad powers to declare national emergencies and that what Trump proposes to do—if he uses the Army’s civil works program—might be fully legal under 33 U.S.C. 2293, if the argument is accepted that the wall is essential to the national defense or if it is found to be an “authorized civil work.” Naturally, there will be a legal challenge that the wall and the immigration situation is not the sort of immediate and threatening emergency that would justify such a declaration, and/or that it’s unnecessary for national defense and/or not an authorized civil work.
In addition, there’s the question of whether Trump can use the military to do this; here’s a discussion of that. Suffice to say the answer is “maybe,” and the issue is likely to be settled in court, as well.
So, to summarize: I think that Trump has not exceeded his powers. But I also think that reasonable minds can differ on that, and furthermore it is a valid concern that this sets a bad precedent for future presidents to go further and actually exceed their powers. Then again, they don’t need Trump for that; they can do it quite handily on their own, and the way things are going, that will happen.
So those twelve Republican senators are neither crazy, nor secret Democrats, nor open borders advocates (although some are). Some are indeed classic RINOs who tend to vote with Democrats a lot of the time, but some generally are quite conservative (some are libertarian-leaning) and my sense is that they are sincerely interested in limiting presidential power. The horse may be long gone from the barn on limiting presidents, but I don’t think anything is served by declaring that these twelve are all part of a vast uniparty that’s the enemy of the people and of the right as a whole.
The real question is a philosophical/political one: if your opponent is going to fight dirty, how dirty must you fight in order to get ahead of him because you know he will do whatever it takes at the first opportunity? And is Trump really fighting dirty in this case by his national emergency declaration, or not? I think not, but I also think that reasonable minds can differ on that. And I think some of these senators have reasonable minds. But they just might be helping to hand victory to a party that has no such reservations about power and principle, and that is the big problem.
