I wonder what the limits of propaganda are. That is, how many of the people can you fool how much of the time if your propaganda is relentless enough and complete enough? I think it depends on whether people perceive ways to access points of view that challenge the propaganda, and also whether people retain two things: common sense, and some notion of history.
So the impeachment push will be a test of all that for the American people. Do they retain common sense and some notion of history? And can alternative points of view to the left/MSM/Democrats united front reach them?
The original plan for the Whistlegate impeachment inquiry was (and still is, as far as I know) to delay a vote on impeachment until the Democrats’ investigation is complete or nearly complete, or perhaps never to bother with a vote at all. That way, the Democrats can fully air their accusations and demands, issue their letters/subpoenas, and bring forth their “whistleblower”/moles, accompanied all the while by a relentless drumbeat in the press about all of it in order to create more and more suspicion that where there’s all this smoke there must be a big fire that President Trump set.
Then they will likely vote to impeach him, unless the polls turn really bad for them. What would happen in the Senate will depend on which way the political winds are blowing. I am fairly sure there are senators (such as Romney, for example) who would probably vote to convict if a full trial and vote were to be held. But so far I don’t see that there would be nearly enough to convict, and so far McConnell has indicated that he will not necessarily hold a full trial but may deal with it in a perfunctory manner.
I don’t know how that will sit with the public, but that depends on how successful the inquiry is in convincing them that Trump has done something terrible enough.
The Democrats are doing this for several reasons, not just to appease their base. They do it because they can and because they have no other options. They have the tools in place. They have the docile Democratic members of the House who will do exactly what they are told. They have a Constitution that is silent about the exact procedures they must follow and only says they must have a vote at some point if they do impeach a president. The fact that they are conducting this “inquiry” in a way that is totally unprecedented, obviously an exercise of sheer power rather than fairness, and cuts off GOP participation at the House level, is not their concern because any sort of fairness is not their goal.
It is also obvious that prior to this move they were losing the battle, and that their candidates are all terrible. So they can’t rely on what would be the ordinary remedy for their woes, an election. And in fact, an election is coming up in a year. But they can’t wait, because they must use whatever tools they can to damage Trump so that he cannot win that election. That is the goal of their impeachment inquiry.
What kept previous Houses from doing this to previous presidents, whenever there was a House of a different party than the president? One check was a respect for tradition and for the voters’ devotion to fairness, as well as the fact that the press was not so entirely in the hands of one party (the one controlling the House), so that the propaganda would not necessarily be as effective.
There was also a certain amount of bipartisan patriotism and the bipartisan idea that such a process would disrupt what both parties and the bulk of the electorate held dear about the United States and what has distinguished it from banana-republic type countries. There were thought to be objectively negative consequences for a process of this kind, and that includes political consequences for the party behind it. But the left is now confident that it will not encounter those consequences if it plays its cards right.
But to succeed with the impeachment inquiry and to have it change enough people’s perceptions of Trump to make one of the Democrats seem to be a better alternative, voters would have to swallow a lot of things. They would have to deny their own gut feelings that Hunter Biden’s job and Joe Biden’s demand about firing the prosecutor are inherently suspicious and need investigation. They would have to trust Adam Schiff. They would have to ignore all media outlets on the right, and that includes online sources. They would have to think that presidents shouldn’t have privacy in their talks with leaders of foreign countries and that shadowy leakers can reveal whatever they want about those conversations, perhaps for political purposes. They would have to believe that whatever Trump said in that phone call rises to the level of a high crime or misdemeanor worth impeaching him for.
I think for now I’ll be optimistic and say that the US public is not yet quite that gullible. But I’m not at all sure that’s the case; I merely hope so.
