One of the most popular devices used by propagandists is the selected misleading quote. I’ve seen the method used so often that it can be called standard operating procedure. It’s not limited to the left – you can find it on the right, too – but it’s only on the left that it’s commonplace and becomes nearly constant.
In fact, that discovery was one of the reasons for my political change.
Yesterday we had a good example of the use of the technique in this post, in which I compared the treatment of Tim Morrison’s testimony and opening statement (it is only the latter for which we were allowed to see the text) by The Federalist and the NY Times. Needless to say, quite different things were emphasized by each publication.
Right on cue, our resident troll “Manju” chimed in with this, as a reply to my characterization “The [Times’] headline states ‘White House Aide Confirms He Saw Signs of a Quid Pro Quo on Ukraine.’ …directly contradicts what the Federalist reports.” Manju writes:
From Morrison’s opening statement:
“I had no reason to believe that the release of the security sector assistance might be conditioned on a public statement reopening the Burisma investigation until my September 1, 2019 conversation with Ambassador Sondland.”
The NYTimes characterization is correct. The Federalist’s is propaganda.
But even looking just at the short excerpt Manju offers as proof that the Times headline was correct and the Federalist incorrect, it doesn’t indicate that at all. Morrison isn’t saying that he himself saw any such thing. He has no direct knowledge of anything of the sort. Nor was he asserting that because Sondland said it, it must be the case.
The part of Morrison’s statement that Manju left out provides the context [emphasis and bracketed remarks mine]:
I was not aware that the White House was holding up the security sector assistance passed by Congress until my superior, Dr. Charles Kupperman, told me soon after I succeeded Dr. Hill. I was aware that the President thought Ukraine had a corruption problem, as did many others familiar with Ukraine. I was also aware that the President believed that Europe did not contribute enough assistance to Ukraine. I was directed by Dr. Kupperman to coordinate with the interagency stakeholders to put together a policy process to demonstrate that the interagency supported security sector assistance to Ukraine. I was confident that our national security principals—the Secretaries of State and Defense, the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and the head of the National Security Council—could convince President Trump to release the aid because President Zelensky and the reform-oriented Rada were genuinely invested in their anti-corruption agenda.
Ambassador Taylor and I were concerned that the longer the money was withheld, the more questions the Zelensky administration would ask about the U.S. commitment to Ukraine. Our initial hope was that the money would be released before the hold became public because we did not want the newly constituted Ukrainian government to question U.S. support.
I have no reason to believe the Ukrainians had any knowledge of the review until August 28, 2019. [that’s long after the Trump phone call in question] Ambassador Taylor and I had no reason to believe that the release of the security sector assistance might be conditioned on a public statement reopening the Burisma investigation until my September 1, 2019 conversation with Ambassador Sondland. Even then I hoped that Ambassador Sondland’s strategy was exclusively his own and would not be considered by leaders in the Administration and Congress, who understood the strategic importance of Ukraine to our national security.
I am pleased our process gave the President the confidence he needed to approve the release of the security sector assistance. My regret is that Ukraine ever learned of the review and that, with this impeachment inquiry, Ukraine has become subsumed in the U.S. political process.
The characterization by the Times and Manju lacks the context in which it can properly be understood. But that’s the point, isn’t it?
What’s more – although this is somewhat tangential to the subject matter of this post, how quotes can work as propaganda – even if Trump was doing exactly what he is accused of doing, so what? Didn’t Biden explicitly do something similar?
Plus, here’s a point made by Trey Gowdy:
Well, you know, that means something for something,” he said of the supposed “quid pro quo” at the center of the impeachment probe. “I need to know what both of those somethings is.”
“If the something is, ‘We’re not going to give you aid until you help us figure out who tried to interfere with the levers of democracy in 2016’ — Margaret, I can tell you if a Democrat did that we’d be adding something to Mt. Rushmore,” he said.
If it was the case that Mr. Trump and his allies inside and outside the administration pressured the government of Ukraine to help the U.S. determine who else, other than Russians, might have attempted to meddle in the 2016 election, Gowdy said the actions would not amount to “high crimes and misdemeanors” — the constitutional standard for impeachment.
“I mean, we spent two years as a country trying to figure out who tried to interfere with our elections. So clearly, it can’t be an impeachable offense,” he added.
But it’s moot, because there are no indications that’s what happened. And in particular, if Ukraine wasn’t even aware of any stoppage of aid, then there could not have been a quid pro quo for anything, and that includes the re-opening of the Burisma investigation.
There are several possible quid pro quo subjects, by the way, and they are often confused: an end to Ukrainian corruption in general, information about Ukrainian interference in the US election of 2016, and re-opening (note the “re”) the Ukrainian investigation into Burisma. IMHO they would all be valid subjects for Trump to insist upon, but I see no evidence that any of these subjects was made a requirement by Trump in terms of foreign aid to Ukraine, for the simple reason that Ukraine didn’t even know there was any disruption in aid.
The thing about this propaganda technique is that it’s generally very effective. That’s true for several reasons, but the main one is that most people will not go back to the original to find the context in order to check. Often it’s because they view the source of the quote as a trusted one. Often it’s because they don’t have the time or the inclination. Sometimes they even lack the knowledge that they can find the original if they try (and of course sometimes the text of the original is unavailable). Often they want to believe the version they read anyway, and aren’t especially interested in challenging it.
And so it continues.