You can read some of the details at Legal Insurrection. Excerpt from the opinion:
The State of Texas’s motion for leave to file a bill of complaint is denied for lack of standing under Article III of the Constitution. Texas has not demonstrated a judicially cognizable interest in the manner in which another State conducts its elections.
Earlier today I wrote in a comment that there was a conservative argument SCOTUS could use for refusing to take the case, which is that “it has to do with whether there is standing for one state to challenge another over these particular issues, or whether it violates the federalism principle.”
That was a quick comment, but I want to elaborate a bit more. I have a law degree but it’s ancient, and I’m not a lawyer or any kind of expert on election law. However, I have an interest in law and I’ve thought about it a good deal, especially the philosophical and psychological questions connected with law. So ever since the morning of November 4th, that’s the perspective from which I’ve looked at the question of what the legal remedies might be for the huge number of terrible problems connected with this 2020 election and its aftermath.
How do judges make decisions? Of course they look at the law, but few questions of law are 100% cut and dried with answers that are completely obvious. Other elements come heavily into play, among them judicial philosophy and the judge’s hunches about what the larger effects of any decision might be. Judges are human, and there are probably personality quirks that enter into it as well.
The election cases of 2020 have consequences that I believe most of the SCOTUS justices and perhaps all of them find frightening. The rift in the country is serious and vast, and it is my sense that they don’t want to be the ones blamed for bad things happening as a result of their decisions. Perhaps they would deny that, but that’s just my gut feeling (I think it’s especially true for John Roberts, but I think it’s true to a certain extent for many or even all of them).
Of course, even issuing no ruling on the legal questions raised in a case, and refusing to give relief – not hearing this case, for example – has consequences. It’s a form of decision. But it’s a passive type of decision that allows people to tell themselves they’re not responsible for what happens. They may indeed be fooling themselves. But passivity can be attractive when faced with something very tough. And this is very tough, because no matter what the Court does, half the country is going to be very very angry indeed.
That’s the situation we face, and that’s the situation that in my opinion probably made the SCOTUS justices want to run the other way. So if there are legal arguments they can find that allow them to do that – and in this Texas case there were such arguments – most of them will grasp those arguments as a lifeline. That is why I have been wary from the start about any legal remedies coming in these 2020 election cases.
You might ask, but what of 2000 and Bush v. Gore? Didn’t SCOTUS make a decision? Yes, but recall that in Bush v. Gore SCOTUS issued a stay against a recount. Essentially, they froze the proceedings and said “enough already”:
On December 8, the Florida Supreme Court had ordered a statewide recount of all undervotes, over 61,000 ballots that the vote tabulation machines had missed. The Bush campaign immediately asked the U.S. Supreme Court to stay the decision and halt the recount. Justice Antonin Scalia, convinced that all the manual recounts being performed in Florida’s counties were illegitimate, urged his colleagues to grant the stay immediately. On December 9, the five conservative justices on the Court granted the stay for Bush, with Scalia citing “irreparable harm” that could befall Bush, as the recounts would cast “a needless and unjustified cloud” over Bush’s legitimacy. In dissent, Justice John Paul Stevens wrote that “counting every legally cast vote cannot constitute irreparable harm.” Oral arguments were scheduled for December 11.
In a per curiam decision, the Court first ruled 7–2 (Justices Stevens and Ruth Bader Ginsburg dissenting), strictly on equal protection grounds, that the recount be stopped. Specifically, the use of different standards of counting in different counties violated the Equal Protection Clause of the U.S. Constitution. (The case had also been argued on the basis of Article II jurisdictional grounds, which found favor with only Justices Scalia, Clarence Thomas, and William Rehnquist.) Second, the Court ruled 5–4 against the remedy, proposed by Justices Stephen Breyer and David Souter, of sending the case back to Florida to complete the recount using a uniform statewide standard before the scheduled December 18 meeting of Florida’s electors in Tallahassee. The majority held that no alternative method could be established within the discretionary December 12 “safe harbor” deadline set by Title 3 of the United States Code (3 U.S.C.), § 5, which the Florida Supreme Court had stated that the Florida Legislature intended to meet.
In Bush v. Gore it was also not an interstate dispute, unlike the present Texas case. That matters, particularly in terms of the question of applying the Equal Protection Clause. If I’m understanding Bush v. Gore correctly, in 2000 the Equal Protection question in the case involved an intrastate matter: comparing counties within a single state, Florida. In 2020, the Court was asked to deal with an interstate Equal Protection matter and compare states. And yet (to the best of my admittedly shallow knowledge, anyway) states have ordinarily been allowed to use quite different voting rules from other states as long as each state meets the requirements for federal elections set forth in the US Constitution. Otherwise, each state is allowed quite a bit of leeway in setting its own rules.
So I am not surprised by this ruling and in fact I would have been surprised had it gone otherwise. I wish I could be more optimistic about the legal prospects, but I just don’t think there will be a legal remedy issued for the utter disaster that has been Election 2020.
And by “utter disaster” I don’t simply mean a Trump loss and a Biden win, although that aspect definitely upsets me. I am talking about the disastrous process by which the safeguards and protections that reassure us that our elections are fair and valid have been systematically stripped away in many many states. That has left us with a situation that was an invitation to election fraud and/or to the strong suspicion of election fraud. Not only was there a vulnerability to fraud and an opportunity for fraud, but without those proper security measures, fraud was always going to be alleged by whatever party was the election loser. I am firmly convinced that, had Trump been the winner, Democrats would have been screaming “fraud!” and suing in the courts, and there would also have been rioting by the left.
What actually happened, though, was that the Biden win occurred under especially suspicious circumstances. It wasn’t just the enormous number of insecure mail-in ballots; it was also the late-night stoppage in four swing states when Trump was way ahead, the throwing out and/or distancing of many observers, the ballot counting that continued afterwards and went so tremendously heavily for Biden, the insecure voting machine programs (known to be insecure even before the election), and other suspicious anomalies such as the gains by the GOP in the House that seemed to contradict a Biden win and Trump’s sweep of bellweather counties despite the Biden win.
So we had a perfect storm of suspicious occurrences, and now we have a house utterly divided. Can that house stand? I don’t know, but I certainly don’t think we can look to the court system to assist us in finding our way through this.