Yesterday the Court heard arguments on a Mississippi abortion law in the case of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, but the decision won’t be handed down till this spring. I don’t often write about SCOTUS oral arguments and make predictions, because I’ve learned that it’s a difficult game and many such predictions turn out to be wrong.
However, I sometimes make exceptions, and this is one of those times – not because I feel certain what will happen, but because this is potentially a very big case. Even before yesterday, it seemed to me that the subject matter of Dobbs, which is whether a state can pass a law limiting abortion to pregnancies under 15 weeks in duration, would be likely to be decided narrowly or broadly. I believe answer would be likely to be a narrow, “Yes, a state can do that.” In other words, I think there will be a compromise decision in which the Mississippi law is upheld but Roe and Casey, the two main laws establishing a national right to abortion, are not overruled in their entirety.
Prior to yesterday, it also seemed likely to me that Justice Roberts in particular, who doesn’t like to upset any law he considers settled (which is just about any law and precedent), would take the lead in guiding the Court to that opinion and leave the larger questions untouched. This still is my prediction, for what it’s worth – in other words, that there will be three liberal justices for invalidating the Mississippi law, three conservative justices for doing away with Roe entirely and upholding the Mississippi law, and three for just upholding the Mississippi law but leaving Roe, resulting in a 6-3 ruling that is limited to the Mississippi law and is written by Roberts. But it’s also the case that such a solution would open the door for further erosion of Roe and further expansion of the right of states to limit abortions beyond the parameters set in Roe and Casey (the latter relying on the viability standard rather than Roe’s trimester standard).
That’s why this case strikes fear into the hearts of abortion advocates. The question is what standard would be left that could not be further challenged with success.
I’ll add that in my opinion and that of so many others, Roe is a case built on air and the political desires of the left, with no constitutional underpinnings other than rhetorical ones. That is something that seems obvious, if you study it (see this as well as this). That is another source of the consternation experienced at the moment by abortion advocates, because they are well aware of the shaky grounds for Roe. The more conservative majority of today’s Court is also an obvious concern for them, and one of the reasons they were so vicious in trying to stop the nomination of Kavanaugh and Barrett.
Some of that shakiness apparently came out during yesterday’s arguments. For example, from Roberts:
“If you think that the issue is one of choice — that women should have a choice to terminate their pregnancy — that supposes that there is a point at which they’ve had the fair choice, opportunity to choice. And why would 15 weeks be an inappropriate line? Viability, it seems to me, doesn’t have anything to do with choice. But if it really is an issue about choice, why is 15 weeks not enough time?”
In other words, how does viability make sense as a legal standard, if the legal basis is about a woman’s right to choose? The answer seems to me to be one of competing interests – the interests of the woman to choose and the interest of the unborn child to live – but that argument is subject to a similar challenge, which is why does that right of the child only become determinative once the child can live outside the womb (see also this thread by Jonathan Turley on viability)?
Roe advocates also employ the defense of Stare Decisis, the rule of binding precedent. But that’s not something sacred, especially for SCOTUS, which has overruled its own precedents before. If a case was poorly decided in the first place there is no requirement to keep it going in perpetuity, and the same is true if there have been relevant advances during the intervening years, such as those in medicine since Roe and Casey to learn more about fetal development and also about how to keep younger and younger infants alive.
Yesterday’s proceedings also featured a strange and repellent argument by Justice Sotomayor – the self-described wise latina – who bizzarely and repulsively (and illogically) compared the reactions of fetuses to painful stimuli to the reflexes sometimes shown by so-called brain-dead people:
Virtually every state defines a brain death as death. Yet the literature is filled with episodes of people who are completely and utterly brain dead, responding to stimuli,” Sotomayor said. “So I don’t think that a response [to pain by] a fetus necessar[ily] proves that there’s a sensation of pain or that there’s consciousness. “
But it certainly tends to strongly suggest it, and there is no reason to think that there is any analogy whatsoever between a growing fetus and a person whose brain is so damaged as to be nearly inoperative.
To me, it’s clear there are only two ways that abortion should be legally regulated. The first is to overrule Roe and leave the decision to the individual states, which was the situation prior to Roe. The second is to pass a constitutional amendment. That amendment could either ban abortion, limit it in some standard way, or prohibit states from banning it.
However, when I did a quick search on the matter, I found surprisngly little discussion of this latter idea of passing a constitutional amendment in order to create any federal (rather than state) rule on abortion. It seems to me rather obvious, however, that this would be one way to go, and should have been the way abortion advocates went instead of SCOTUS deciding Roe as it did. It’s obvious why abortion advocates didn’t go the amendment route, however – it would have been too difficult at the time, and perhaps even now.
Is there some glitch in my reasoning? It seems to me that if there is no constitutional basis for a nationwide right to abortion in the Constitution, but if people want to give it such a basis, an Amendment would be the answer, wouldn’t it? Likewise, if there is no constitutional basis for a nationwide ban on abortion, but if people want to give it such a basis, an amendment would be the answer.
[NOTE: None of this has to do with my political or moral opinion on abortion, merely my legal one. If you want to read up on my personal opinion, please see this post, as well as this and this.]
