Back in 2016, I remember reading there was going to be a shift in the black vote towards Trump. It didn’t really happen. In 2020, it happened to a small degree in black men, but not enough to make a difference in the outcome.
Is it happening now?:
Depressed Black turnout could destroy Democrats’ path to victory in closely-contested gubernatorial and Senate races such as Georgia, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Although Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden won urban areas, President Trump did better in both cycles in cities like Philadelphia.
In 2020, support for the Democratic Party reached a new low, continuing a downward trend from President Obama’s 2008 election. In 2008, Obama received 95 percent of Black men’s vote, but that slid down to 87 percent four years later. Hillary Clinton picked up 82 percent of Black men’s vote in 2016, but Joe Biden only notched 80 percent of their vote. This bleeding of Black men’s support has liberal strategists worried, and candidates are desperate.
Odd to think of 80% support as a low figure, isn’t it? But the trend is down, and any loss of the support of black voters is very threatening to the left because they have a deep dependence on this voting bloc. Patrice Onwuka, the author of that article I just quoted, mentions the states of Georgia, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, and those are exactly the same states that were discussed in yesterday’s open thread.
First, from my post:
…Democrats also still own the black vote, although there have been some defections there. But the black vote is key to Democrat victories.
Next, from commenter “stan“:
When a sufficient critical mass of blacks realize that Dems choose to keep them on the plantation, the preference cascade will be stunning.
Next, commenter “MBunge’s” response:
Black votes tend to be concentrated in places Democrats would win anyway. Outside of Georgia, I’m not sure there’s another state where black support is that crucial for Democrat victory.
My response was that black votes are also crucial for Democrat victory in Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, and those states in turn have been crucial for Democrats to win presidential elections.
For example, Biden won in Michigan in 2020 by about 54,000 votes statewide. Detroit is 77% black (this site says 79%), and there were approximately 250K votes cast in Detroit. Do the math – the black vote appears to have made the difference, and a shift of about 25% more black people voting Republican, for example, would have changed the result.
The situation is similar for Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, although the proportions are different. Biden won by about 80,500 votes in the entire state. In Philadelphia, Biden got 81% of the total, or 604,175 votes for Biden. Philadelphia is 41% black. So black people accounted for about 248K (or more, if the percentage of blacks voting for Biden was higher than 81%) votes in Philadelphia. Again, a rather modest shift towards the GOP would have put the state in Trump’s camp.
Biden won Wisconsin by about 20,700 votes. Milwaukee is about 39% black. Biden won by 146,000 votes in Milwaukee, about 80% of the total cast there. Again, it seems pretty clear that a rather moderate shift in black voting patterns towards the GOP could easily have flipped Wisconsin into the Trump column.
And then of course there’s the changing Hispanic vote, which has been discussed on this blog in several posts (for example, this one).
For decades, the Democrats have been abandoning their earlier pitch to working-class Americans of all ethnicities and races, and gone for racial identity politics. It worked for them quite well in many districts and many election cycles, as well as many presidential races. But it finally – finally – may be coming back to bite them. Identity politics depends on division as well as actually performing in such a way that the various groups can see an advantage in voting for the Party. More and more black voters seem to be recognizing that this administration in particular has not helped them but has actually harmed them.
I’ve written many times that a mind is a difficult thing to change, and that remains true. People generally are very reluctant to abandon previous political beliefs and affiliations, particularly when those beliefs are bound up with their very identities – which they often are. It can feel like a betrayal and a huge dislocation. But the more people cross that line, the more acceptable it becomes to do so. That could spell big trouble for the left.