[NOTE: Whenever I have a math-heavy post like this, I always get nervous that I’ve made an arithmetical error.]
I see it again and again: the assertion that the 2022 midterm results were almost unheard-of, because a president’s first midterm always involves the opposite party gaining a large number of seats in the House and a significant number in the Senate. Just to take one example, we have this:
Historically, every president in history facing his first midterm experiences a tough day with automatically 20 to 30 House seats lost…and 4 or more Senate seats lost…but this terribly unpopular President Biden is brain dead with severe dementia, and can’t put 3 coherent sentences together…Yet Biden defied history?
When I read something like that, I think: is it true? Did every president in history facing his first midterm experience results like that, or pretty much like that? Or nearly every president?
So I decided to actually take a look – not at every single president in history, but at least at presidents for the last 100 years, the group one would imagine would be most relevant to today. Then maybe, if it appeared true for all of them, I’d go back further in time and see what I found.
Let’s just say I didn’t have to go back further in time, because it wasn’t true during the last 100 years.
We’re not talking about midterms in a president’s second term; just the first. Here’s the record for the Senate midterms in presidents’ first terms:
(1) Calvin Coolidge (R) – first half of first term 1923-1925, Senate was R53 D43 and midterm results were R54 D42. Doesn’t follow the rule.
(2) Herbet Hoover (R) – first half of first term 1929-1931, Senate was R56 D39 and midterm results were R48 D47. This follows the rule.
(3) Franklin Roosevelt (D) – first half of first term 1933-1935, Senate was R36 D59 and midterms were R25 D69. This goes dramatically against the rule.
(4) Harry Truman (D) – first half of first term can be calculated either from the time FDR died (which was quite early in the term) or the time of Truman’s first election on his own, when he had already been president for many years. I’ll do both. First half of first non-elected term 1945-1947, Senate was R38 D57 and midterm results were R51 D45. This follows the rule.
First half of first elected term 1949-1951, Senate was R42 D54, and midterm results were R47 D49. This also follows the rule.
(5) Dwight Eisenhower (R) – first half of first term 1955-1957, Senate was R47 D48 (plus one other who caucused with the Democrats, making it 47/49), and midterm results were R47 D49. No change. Doesn’t follow the rule.
(6) John Kennedy (D) – first half of first term 1961-1963, Senate was R36 D64, and midterm results were R34 D66. This does not follow the rule.
(7) Lyndon Johnson (D) – I’ll skip his first term, because it wasn’t long enough for a midterm election. His second term and first elected term was 1965-1967, Senate was R32 D68, and midterm results were R43 D57. This follows the rule; however, it has an asterisk because of the special circumstances that involved LBJ having actually been president for 3 years at the time of those midterms rather than two.
(8) Richard Nixon (R) – first half of first term 1969-1971, Senate was R43 D57, and midterm results were R44 D54 but actually 45/55 because of members of other parties and where they caucused. This election did not follow the rule.
(9) I’m going to skip Gerald Ford because his term was too short, and he was unelected as well.
(10) Jimmy Carter (D) – first half of first term 1977-1979, Senate was R38 D61 (but really 38/62 because of caucusing), and midterm results were R41 D58 (but really 41/59 because of caucusing). This follows the rule.
(11) Ronald Reagan (R) – first half of first term 1981-1983, Senate was R53 D46 (but really 53/47 because of caucusing), and midterm results were R55 D45. This did not follow the rule.
(12) George H. W. Bush (R) – first half of first term 1989-1991, Senate was R45 D55, and midterm results were R44 D56. This follows the general rule, but in a very small way with the loss of only one seat.
(13) Bill Clinton (D) – first half of first term 1993-1995, Senate was R43 D57 (changing later to R44 D56 prior to the midterms), midterms were R52 D48. This follows the rule.
(14) George W. Bush (R) – first half of first term 2001-2003, Senate was R50 D50 (there was some small shifting back and forth afterward, but that was the original election result), midterm results were R51 D48 (but really 51/49 because of caucusing). This did not follow the rule, and in fact is similar to what happened in 2022 – a gain of one seat for the party with the presidency.
(15) Barack Obama (D) – first half of first term 2009-2011, Senate was R41 D57 (but really 41/59 because of caucusing), and midterm results were R47 D51 (but really 47/53 because of caucusing). This followed the rule.
(16) Donald Trump (R) – first half of first term 2017-2019, Senate was R51 D47 (but really 51/49 because of caucusing), and midterm results were R53 D45 (but really 53/47 because of caucusing). This did not follow the rule.
I was going to do the same thing with the House, but doing it for the Senate was already tiring and nitpicky and I think it made my point sufficiently anyway.
Here’s the tally: in the last 100 years, it’s exactly even for the Senate. Half of the first-term midterm results followed the supposed rule and half did not. So it’s not even close to “always.”
Just taking a really quick look at the House – the legislative branch that is more sensitive to political winds that blow because every member is up for re-election every two years, rather than a third every two years as in the Senate – reveals that the following presidencies did not follow the rule in their first term midterms (that is, the president’s party did not lose House seats in the first midterms): Coolidge, FDR, Eisenhower, and George W. Bush. What’s more, two other presidents only lost a small number of House seats in the first midterms, much like what happened to Biden and the Democrats this year: JFK only lost 6 seats, and George H.W Bush only lost 8 seats. So even in the House, results like those in 2022 have not been especially unusual.
What’s more, this year’s Senate breakdown was a difficult one for the Republicans, and yet they only lost one seat (perhaps two in the end, but we don’t yet know). By “difficult” I mean that fourteen seats held by Democrats and 20 held by Republicans were up for grabs this time. Not only that, but more of the seats held by Republicans were considered to be in battleground states (see the map here).
What does it all mean? Obviously, the common assertion that the 2022 midterm results were highly unusual is incorrect. However, I think we see the result this year as highly unusual and counter-intuitive for two reasons. The first is the predicted “red tsunami” set the right up for a huge win, and it wasn’t forthcoming. The second is that the awfulness of the present Congress and president, as well as some of the Democrat candidates, predisposed us to think that of course there would be a huge Republican victory. There had to be.
But there wasn’t. And whether you think the results were fraudulent, or the result of a legal exploitation of the relaxed voting rules, or an actual fair and square election, the results were nowhere near as unusual as so many people have been saying.
Make of it what you will.