Here’s the Twitter thread itself.
I don’t really need to reinvent the wheel and do a blow-by-blow analysis. I’ll just link to this, this, and this.
From the latter:
In its pathetic attempt to meet the Biden administration’s demands while meekly attempting to protect free speech on the platform, Twitter made three significant mistakes: 1) Using bots, 2) Relying on foreign contractors as content moderators, and 3) Allowing biased executives to prune the decision trees to determine the fate of specific tweets.
This meant many essential voices in the covid debate, which turned out to be correct, were silenced at critical times.
Thing is, it was obvious that this was happening. Anyone who looked could see it. I’m not a Twitter user, but there was plenty of discussion on the right side of the blogosphere and in other media on the right of how alternative points of view were being silenced.
I think the only really new evidence in this first batch of Twitter files on COVID is the extent of government involvement in the censorship, but even that could have been assumed. Early on, the government point of view became the only allowed point of view. I noticed it mostly on YouTube because I vist that site far more than I go to Twitter, and huge disclaimers appeared there attached to any video that even dared to tentatively whisper a thought contradicting the official government line, plus YouTube was “suggesting” tons of videos to me that parroted that government line and only that government line.
And yet the problems with the government line were also obvious from the start. It was easy to see, and I wrote about it early on. For example, here’s a post of mine from March 17, 2020, not long after the entire COVID business began. In it, I ask a question that would later have gotten me banned from Twitter had I been active there:
So here’s my question for all you epidemiologists and infectious disease experts out there…
Wouldn’t it be better to have only high-risk people stay home? People over 60 and those with pre-existing conditions? That way, if all those at low risk kept mingling, a lot of them would get a mild flu and herd immunity will be achieved fairly quickly, to the benefit of all, without overwhelming the health care system…
I just don’t see the end game for the current mitigation strategies. Wouldn’t we still get an overwhelmed health care system when everyone emerges?…
I was looking at a spate of recent articles on how Philadelphia and St. Louis handled the flu differently in 1918, with Philadelphia holding a big war bond parade despite the fact that the flu was beginning to make inroads in the city, and St. Louis canceling public gatherings (see this for just one example). The Philadelphia death rate soared and that of St. Louis did not.
However, most of the articles don’t mention this depressing fact:
“According to a 2007 analysis of Spanish flu death records, the peak mortality rate in St. Louis was only one-eighth of Philadelphia’s death rate at its worst. That’s not to say that St. Louis survived the epidemic unharmed. Dehner says the midwestern city was hit particularly hard by the third wave of the Spanish flu which returned in the late winter and spring of 1919.”
So, St. Louis did flatten its curve. But the deaths stretched out longer there.
And this apparently was a common occurrence in many cities…
The lockdown continuation already didn’t make sense, and that was obvious to anyone who had crunched the original COVID numbers from the Diamond Princess (I had) and looked at history from 100 years earlier (I had). I’m not saying this to brag, I’m saying it because it was easy to see rather than difficult. The fact that the authorities didn’t seem to see it – or refused to see it, or pretended not to see it – was obvious as well, and suspect. They were either incompetent (“fools”) or deceiving us (“knaves”) or both.
Why were they doing this? Well, one reason was also obvious pretty early on. Here’s a post of mine from April 27, 2020, entitled “Fear is an opportunity for tyranny”:
One of the many lessons of the COVID-19 response is how easily public officials embrace tyranny, and how many people accept it because of fear…
I didn’t like the initial 2-week shutdown, but I thought I understood the reasons – flatten the curve and keep the health care system from being totally overwhelmed – and I knew it would buy us time to learn more about the illness.
Mission accomplished. It’s been far more than two weeks, and the damage from the shutdown itself has gotten to the point that it becomes crystal clear it needs to be removed. The benefits have been less clear, too. There doesn’t seem to be much evidence that shutdowns mattered all that much in the curve of the COVID-19 toll in various states and various countries. We understand more than we did, but although we don’t understand enough, we have to take a few leaps because one thing we do understand (and was clear from the start, actually) is that the shutdown itself is causing tremendous damage. And that damage is not limited to economics; it involves mental and physical health as well.
That’s how soon it was obvious. The rest is just the details.
I’ll close this post with a description of some thoughts of Thomas Sowell’s from his very fine book The Vision of the Anointed:
Sowell argues that American thought is dominated by a “prevailing vision” which seals itself off from any empirical evidence that is inconsistent with that vision.
–the prevailing social vision is dangerously close to sealing itself off from any discordant feedback from reality.
–it is so necessary to believe in a particular vision that evidence of its incorrectness is ignored, suppressed, or discredited
–empirical evidence is neither sought beforehand nor consulted after a policy has been instituted. Facts may be marshalled for a position already taken, but that is very different from systematically testing opposing theories by evidence.
The book was written in 1996 and was the very first book of Sowell’s I ever read, probably around 2004. So these trends were already quite clear back then and even far earlier, with the Soviets. And what he describes is even more than a vision – it’s also a relentless drive for power not just to implement that vision but also for power’s sake itself.