Long long ago, when I was in college and took some sociology courses, I seem to recall learning about the purposes (plural) of incarceration. I’m doing this from memory, but they went something like this: protection (of the public), deterrence (for other would-be criminals who might think twice), punishment (in the moral sense of “you do the crime, you do the time”), and rehabilitation (for example, courses and training available in prison).
Imprisonment never fell equally on all groups. Just to take one obvious example, prisons are mostly filled with men. Is that because men are being discriminated against? No; it’s because crimes are disproportionately committed by men. And youngish men, at that. There are also racial and socioeconomic differences. For that matter, I seem to recall that crimes are disproportionately committed by people who have had head injuries.
Incarceration does not, and never will, be “fair” in the sense that every group is imprisoned in exact proportion to its representation in the general population. But that impossible endpoint seems to be the goal of the left. Another goal is to empty the prisons as much as possible. And what of those goals of imprisonment that I mentioned at the outset: protection, deterrence, punishment, and rehabilitation? I don’t see how they are preserved, although there is lip service paid to the latter through programs that advocate social workers replacing police for many offenders.
Which brings us to this Los Angeles proposal:
Calling overcrowding in Los Angeles County jails a humanitarian crisis, Hilda Solis and Lindsey Horvath, members of the L.A. County Board of Supervisors (BOS), introduced a motion to depopulate the jail system by making permanent the Emergency Bail Schedule—a pandemic-era policy that freed individuals held on bail for both felonies and misdemeanors. Under “cite and release,” police would issue a “ticket” or citation for suspected unlawful conduct but would not bring the suspect to jail for a formal booking. Suspects get released on the condition that they make a signed promise to show up to their court date.
What sorts of offenses would be subject to this policy? Why, nothing so terrible:
The motion also called for citing and releasing individuals with aggregate bail amounts set at $50,000 or below. According to the Los Angeles County Felony Bail Summary, bail for the following offenses fall under that threshold: possession of firearm by a felon, assault with a deadly weapon, assault with a firearm, assault with chemicals, extortion and criminal threats, burglary with explosives, recklessly causing a fire with great bodily injury, and vehicular manslaughter (i.e., driving a vehicle with gross negligence). Common sense would suggest that these offenses warrant a more serious response than a citation…
In L.A. County, an overwhelming number of such crimes would be eligible for cite and release, including domestic violence; child abuse; battery; sexual battery; violation of a protective order; pimping a minor (aged 16 or older); possession of GHB (a so-called date-rape drug) with intent to commit sexual assault; child stealing; contact with a minor to commit sexual offense (with a prior); incest; sodomy (for victims under age 18); oral copulation (for victims under age 18); possession, distribution, or control of child pornography; and elder abuse.
The public outcry was so huge that Solis and Horvath withdrew the motion. But it is emblematic of where the left wants to take the treatment of those accused of crimes and those incarcerated for crimes. Need I also add that the innocent victims of such a policy would have disproportionately consisted of black people?