Getting ready ahead of time for those results.
Fasten your seat belts, folks.
Getting ready ahead of time for those results.
Fasten your seat belts, folks.
I know a lot of you are Gingrich supporters and I’m not. We’ve debated that quite a bit: why I’m against and you’re for. But now I want to ask a question: why is it that you think he has a good chance of getting elected? Because I don’t see it.
This isn’t about whether Romney has a good chance to beat Obama either; it’s very possible, as I’ve said many times before, that Obama would beat either of them. Many of you have also made it clear that you don’t care if Romney polls better than Gingrich against Obama, or even if he beats Obama. You consider Romney and Obama would be more or less equal as presidents (I think that’s madness), so even if Romney could beat Obama, you would sit the election out if he’s nominated and if he won you wouldn’t celebrate any more than if Obama had been the victor.
I get that, although I strongly disagree with it. But my question is about how you come to the conclusion that Gingrich has a good chance of winning it all.
I’ve looked at Gingrich’s polls and I see someone who’s been doing poorly against Obama. And Gingrich is hardly an unknown newcomer. On the contrary, he is very well known, and has been for nearly two decades. So it’s not a question of getting to know him—unless you believe that people will get to know the mythical kinder, gentler Newt. I just haven’t seen that guy, nor do I think we’d be seeing much of him in the general.
For quite a while I’ve been searching online for figures on Gingrich’s approval ratings, and finally I located them. Here they are, and it’s not pretty:
Fox News, 1/12-1/14:
Obama, fav/unfav, 51%/46%, +5
Romney, fav/unfav, 45%/38%, +7
Gingrich, fav/unfav, 27%/56%, -29CBS/NYT, 1/12-1/17:
Obama, fav/unfav, 38%/45%, -7
Romney, fav/unfav, 21%/35%, -14
Gingrich, fav/unfav, 17%/49%, -32PPP, 1/13-1/17:
Obama, app/dis, 47%/50%, -3
Romney, fav/unfav, 35%/53%, -18
Gingrich, fav/unfav, 26%/60%, -34
Simply put, I just don’t see how someone with those kind of stats can win against Obama. That’s just practicality, and has nothing to do with my own opinion of Gingrich. I don’t really see what could improve those figures much, either. And high disapproval tends to matter in an election, especially when trying to unseat a still-relatively-popular incumbent.
When you imagine Gingrich debating Obama, you see him sticking it to the MSM and arguing rings around the president. But most of America won’t see it that way. They’ll see a nasty man next to a pleasant one. They’ll see an unattractive man next to an attractive one. They’ll see an old guy next to a young one, a fat guy next to a thin one.
Romney opponents are fond of saying that in the general, Obama will attack him for Bain, Romneycare, his taxes, and being rich. That’s all true. But why would anyone think that Gingrich won’t be attacked for Fannie and Freddie, the hypocrisy inherent in his private life, and his censure by the House and his ethics convictions? Do you think Americans will be more incensed by the Romney’s baggage than Gingrich’s? I don’t see why.
By the way, here are the most current polls that show Gingrich vs. Obama and Romney vs. Obama (scroll down). Obama cleans Gingrich’s clock, whereas Romney is competitive with Obama. I realize that’s just a snapshot in time and that polls can and will change. But I cannot see a likely scenario in which Gingrich gains all that much on Obama.
By the way, go back and look at a whole bunch of Gingrich vs. Obama polls over time, and you’ll see that the results are quite stable, except for an outlier or two. Do the same for Romney vs. Obama. They’re much better, going back to last summer, and consistently so.
So, how would it work? How would Gingrich beat Obama given all these facts?
Commenter “reliapundit” has a question:
Gingrich retook the lead in SC thanks to…conservatives…who no longer seem to have any problems endorsing a serial adulterer—one who gave the finger to the Tea Party when he endorsed Scozzafava.
And thanks to a conservative base that sounds more like the anti-capitalist bolsheviks of the OWS than free-marketeers.
It’s insane.
The SC crowd applauded applauded the serial adulterer who had to pay the house $300,000 in fines due to ethical violations, but they booed a self-made millionaire who has paid all his taxes.
Bizarre.
Can you explain this mass hysteria?
I can certainly try, as I did here, in a comment on which I will now expand.
Voting is not completely or perhaps even predominantly rational, although we like to think it is. The right tends to run somewhat less on emotion and more on rationality than the left (at least, IMHO, on average) but is by no means immune to this sort of behavior.
Emotion in politics is not necessarily a bad thing. As I’ve said elsewhere several times, we must evaluate and react to candidates on subtle signals they give out about what kind of people they are: likeable or not, calm or excitable, arrogant or less arrogant (I’ll leave out “humble,” because most candidates aren’t going to exhibit that particular characteristic), able to laugh at oneself or not, comfortable in one’s skin or awkward.
You get the idea. These things—which I’ll summarize as personality and temperament—are not irrelevant to how a person would function as president.
The last few election cycles have featured an electorate with its own emotions at high pitch. Last time it was the Democrats who had been through the ringer for eight years (with a legislative reversal two years earlier, 2006, that had given them some hope), and believed themselves to be due. After a tough primary, they united behind a (to them, at least) charismatic candidate who emphasized hope for the change they were looking for.
Now, after three years of that and two of a Democratic Congress, plus a lot of anti-conservative reporting in the MSM and the rise of the Tea Party and a very bad financial climate, both parties are pretty angry but Republicans are more so.
A lot of Republicans also have a feeling of angry desperation about their candidates. Few people are really happy with the slate, and it’s particularly galling because most people perceive Obama to be highly vulnerable this year. This should be our time, they think; and this group’s all we’ve got to show for it?
In that climate, it’s no surprise that a Gingrich might rise to the fore. After all, he’s the near-perfect candidate for an angry conservative electorate that’s also angry at perceived RINOs such as Romney and 2008”²s McCain, whose wishy-washy moderation and lack of fight is perceived as having led to Obama’s victory, and whose candidacy is thought to have been “forced down our throats” by a conspiracy of Republican elites.
That’s the angry crowd Gingrich plays to when he gives it back to the media when they ask him gotcha questions during the debate, the crowd that sees Romney as the same-old same-old McCain-esque pap. They want blood (metaphorically speaking), and Gingrich gives it to them.
Gingrich is also perceived as being the best person to beat Obama in debate. Despite his considerable baggage and his own “flip-flopping” (for example, he supported an individual Romneycare-like mandate), he (unlike Romney) is also considered the true conservative in terms of policy; after all, he led the conservative return to power in the mid-90s. As for Gingrich’s Bain attack—which reliapundit notes has the crowd acting a bit like OWS—it plays to a populist strain and “anti-finance-guy” sentiment that exists in conservatism to a certain extent and is not limited to the left.
The ethics charges? They’re seen as minor and trumped-up, for the most part—whether the general electorate will see it that way or not.
Gingrich’s supporters shrug off Gingrich’s personal history of marital cheating as being of little import. It’s been my observation that many people (on both sides) will jettison principles like the idea of fidelity, and ignore old violations, if they think a candidate can offer a lot of other things (or even one big thing) that they like very much. Plus, the rationalization is that Gingrich has gotten religion and repented. To Christian fundamentalists personal morals are certainly important, but religiously-motivated repentance is understood as being very real and meaningful, and requires forgiveness. Personally, I don’t buy it in Gingrich’s case (I also find his current wife puzzlingly strange). But then, I’m not an evangelical, nor am I a Gingrich-supporter.
Another phenomenon occurring here is that, until the race boils down to two candidate—and especially while there are still four—any single candidate can win with about 30% or so of the vote. That can represent a small and extreme faction of the party. I always get worried when there are more than two candidates in a race (and especially more than three), because of that phenomenon. Gingrich is the beneficiary of it at the moment.
But primaries are primaries and generals are generals. What works in the first doesn’t always work in the second: just ask George McGovern or Mike Dukakis. I’ve noted before that I don’t think Gingrich will beat Obama in the general, if nominated. The particular form anger he’s channeling is unlikely to be appealing to anyone other than the right, and a certain segment of it at that.
I’ve got an article up today at PJ with some background on the old (actually, not all that old) “women and children first” rule in maritime disasters.
Please click on the link and read the article first, and then come back and watch this:
So, tomorrow’s South Carolina’s big day.
As a Romney supporter, I wish he’d take a much more aggressive tack in either releasing his tax returns—or, perhaps more importantly, explaining why he pays 15% and why that’s not only perfectly legal but perfectly fine. The fact that he’s not doing this effectively enough conjures up some speculation that there’s something to hide in those returns, or that he’s just not got enough fight in him.
The latter criticism is particularly important now that Gingrich has emerged as Romney’s main rival. You can say many negative things about Newt (and I have!), but one of them will never be “he’s just not got enough fight in him.”
Polls show Gingrich is rising right now in South Carolina vs. Romney. I wrote last week about one annoying (to me, anyway) aspect of the reportage about this: the MSM and many blogs have mostly framed the trend as though Romney had South Carolina sewn up previously, and that now Gingrich’s standing there is something new and different.
But that’s an incorrect representation of the history of South Carolina voters’ attitudes towards the two candidates. The truth is that Gingrich was long the frontrunner in that state, and Romney’s bump was recent and of short duration (post-Iowa, from about 1/5 to 1/17), and his lead never as large as Newt’s had previously been there. Gingrich’s resurgence is more in the nature of a restoration than a coup (see that previous post of mine for the details that show this).
Does it matter? Not really; if Newt’s ahead at the right time (tomorrow) then he wins.
I have about a thousand things I could write today. But they’ll have to wait for this evening (well, not all thousand of them, but I plan to tackle one or two) because I have some other tasks to do first.
But I just wanted to say, looking outside (which is where I’m about to go in a couple of minutes), that there’s something about winter sun on winter snow up north that is almost inexpressibly lovely. Those of you who live in southern climes may think me mad, but winter is one of the most beautiful seasons of the year.
We who live where the winter is long know that the worst thing about it is usually the early darkness—that, and driving in an ice storm. Luckily where I live we haven’t had too many of those this year.
There’s something about a cold day when the air is sharp and the sun is out that can banish the winter blues. That is, if you’re dressed warmly enough: long underwear, waterproof mittens, scarf, earmuff, and sometimes one of those helmet thingees with a face mask made of specially insulating material. But today that last item won’t be needed.
The definition of autism is about to be narrowed, which may cut the number of people designated as having autism or espcially Asperger’s, and will be likely to reduce the number who will be able to receive benefits because of their diagnosis. The question is, how many will be affected?:
At least a million children and adults have a diagnosis of autism or a related disorder, like Asperger syndrome or “pervasive developmental disorder, not otherwise specified,” also known as P.D.D.-N.O.S. People with Asperger’s or P.D.D.-N.O.S. endure some of the same social struggles as those with autism but do not meet the definition for the full-blown version. The proposed change would consolidate all three diagnoses under one category, autism spectrum disorder, eliminating Asperger syndrome and P.D.D.-N.O.S. from the manual. Under the current criteria, a person can qualify for the diagnosis by exhibiting 6 or more of 12 behaviors; under the proposed definition, the person would have to exhibit 3 deficits in social interaction and communication and at least 2 repetitive behaviors, a much narrower menu.
No one really knows the answer; some studies indicate the effect will be small, and some large.
But that’s not the reason I’m highlighting this article. I’m interested mostly in how it underlines the ways in which the DSM’s (the diagnostic manual used by mental health professionals) diagnostic categories, and changes therein, can have fairly profound political, social, and economic effects. The decisions made about how to modify the criteria for such diagnoses are not only clinical, but political and social and economic as well—and sometimes it may seem as though they are primarily political and social and economic.
I can’t. I’m just plain exhausted with these things.
I cannot even imagine where the candidates get the energy to do this again so soon. I guess the answer would be “vaulting ambition, which o’erleaps itself.”
You can go here and read if you want a bit of a chuckle as you listen.
I can’t escape the notion that the main purpose for all these debates is to collect plenty of sound bites that show each candidate looking foolish, evasive, or stupid.
Commenter “Wolla Dalbo” asks the following question:
Neo”“Over the years you have been very calm and even-handed in your criticisms and treatment of all sorts of people and issues.
Yet, in the language and arguments you have been using with regard to Newt, I detect what seems to me to be a very active hatred of him.
What gives?
I do try—very hard—to be “calm and even-handed in my criticisms and treatment of all sorts of people and issues.” I like to think that’s one of my distinguishing features as a blogger (in person, well—let me just say I plead the apple). I’m not sure exactly which language and criticisms Wolla Dalbo is referring to, but he (I’m pretty sure Wolla’s a he) is a commenter whose opinions I value, and the question is a good one.
After a moment of reflection (we bloggers only get a moment; it has to be churned out at a fast and furious pace here), I think the answer is that I consider my arguments to be calm and even-handed and based on reason and observation, but I would also say that I have, not an active hatred of Gingrich, but a combination of what I consider a dispassionate evaluation of his pluses and minuses in terms of policy and position and temperament and record, an assessment of his appeal in terms of polls and the reaction of others, and a gut-level negative reaction of my own. In politics, I feel I must always pay attention to my visceral personal reactions, not because they’re mine and therefore important (only to me, really), but because I believe (as I wrote here, perhaps in the comment that sparked Wolla’s question?), that the intangible quality of likablity is a large factor in politics, whether we like it (pun intended) or not:
Most Americans are not political junkies, unlike political bloggers and commenters at political blogs. I know; I spent most of my life as a typical only-somewhat-interested American voter. My observation is that people vote at least 75% with their guts, on impressions they have of the candidates. Romney and Gingrich both are unfortunate in that regard, in almost entirely different ways. Romney is bland and goodlooking, and he doesn’t seem to have much fire in the belly or much conviction. Gingrich is quite different, but his personality is offputting to most people who are not already in his camp, and when I say “offputting” I mean it in the most forceful way possible. He repels people on a visceral level. At least, that’s my observation.
The only other president in my memory who won despite a personally repellent quality (although of a somewhat different type) was Nixon. Americans like to vote for people who seem likable. For neither Romney nor Gingrich is that a strong suit, but Gingrich is the more unlikable. Perhaps not to you or to many of the readers of this blog, to a lot of people.
I didn’t list them in the above comment, but some of the personal characteristics of Gingrich’s that lead to my perception of his generally high unlikability include his arrogance, a destructive rather than a constructive combativeness, his egotism (a characteristic of many politicians, of course), and his shiftiness. He’s hardly the only one with problems on the likability scale, as I wrote above—I think all the remaining Republican candidates have them—but his seem greater to me, and of course that’s a judgment call.
But that “repels people on a personal level” statement was not primarily about me. It’s about my observation of others, both people I know (especially Independents; forget the liberal Democrats, who will vote for Obama anyway) and commenters around the blogosphere. Candidates have a certain je ne sais quoi that’s a plus or minus for them. You may think Bill Clinton’s a slimebag (and strangely enough I was not drawn to him back in 1992, although I voted for him), but a lot of people consider him a lovable scamp. You may think Gingrich is a street fighter, and I would agree, but my observation is that people want that in a VP and not in a president, as a rule.
Ah, but you say that Nixon was every bit as personally repellent (actually, I guess I pointed that out myself, too), and he won, didn’t he? Yes, I remember it well. But in the election of 1968 Nixon was not running against a once-popular incumbent; his opponent was Hubert Humphrey, the VP of the discredited Johnson administration. The country was also in major turmoil, and the battles in the primaries for the Democratic nomination of 1968 make this year’s Republican infighting look like an actual tea party. What’s more, one of the leading candidates of 1968, Robert Kennedy, had been assassinated. Plus, Nixon’s victory was a real squeaker; the winner wasn’t announced till morning.
In 1972, the Democratic Party erred (IMHO) by nominating George McGovern, a mild-mannered man who came off as simultaneously too weak and too extreme—too far to the left—for the majority of Americans at that time. The result was a landslide for Nixon, who had incumbency on his side as well that year.
I’m not sure any of this has much to do with what would happen if Gingrich were to be nominated in 2012, but it certainly doesn’t indicate to me he’d be elected.
But let’s leave the subject of likability for now, because it’s by no means my only or even my most important objection to Gingrich. I believe that the right conservative candidate can appeal to moderates, something I think must happen in order to win an election (Reagan did it, by the way), but Gingrich is very far from being that candidate. The vulnerabilities in his record include but are not limited to his ethics violations (“Newt has done some things that have embarrassed House Republicans and embarrassed the House,” said [Republican] Rep. Peter Hoekstra), his marital history, his own “flip-flopping,” his payments from Fannie/Freddie, and his off-putting attacks on Bain that earned him the ire of many former supporters.
All of this is about the race for the Republican nomination, which I’ve never seen as inevitably going to Romney. It’s early yet, and Gingrich has a fighting chance. If in the end he were to be designated the Republican nominee, my ABO would probably kick in. But I continue to think he’d be a weak candidate despite his pugnaciousness (or maybe in part because of it), less likely to win in the general than Romney, who’s weak as well.
Of course, for an incumbent, Obama is pretty weak, too. Picture, picture on the wall, who is the weakest of them all?
Ah, politics!
The good news for Gingrich? Perry’s out of the race and has thrown his support behind him. Will all of Perry’s votes (6% at last count) go to Newt? And would it matter enough to allow Gingrich to win South Carolina if they did? Can Newt win the whole thing? Ah, thinks Newt, if only Santorum would follow Perry’s noble lead…
The bad news? Gingrich’s woman-scorned ex-wife has surfaced and is saying what a dirty rotten scoundrel he is. But of course, we already knew that. Is there even more to the story yet to be revealed?
The ugly? It has little to do with Newt, but the Iowa caucuses have now been declared a tie between Romney and Santorum., in part because some precincts went missing.
…he’d do any better against Obama?
And if so, why? Multiple “yes’s” and “no’s” are allowed here:
—because Newt’s a non-flip-floppy conservative?
—because of Newt’s persuasive abilities?
—because Newt’s such a charismatic guy?
—because of Newt’s stellar record as a legislator?
—because of Newt’s personal integrity?
—because of Newt’s humility?
—because of Newt’s financial history?
It seems as though every ship disaster has at least one goat and at least one hero.
Titanic had many self-sacrificing heroes, and it had Bruce Ismay as the main goat, although there were others. Captain Edward Smith was both goat and hero: goat because he supposedly ordered the ship to travel at a speed greater than conditions warranted; hero because it is reported that he stayed on board and went down with the ship. But it is quite possible that both men (especially Ismay) got a bad rap: see this for the details.
Now Concordia already has its goat and its hero:
The Coast Guard officer who ordered the captain of the capsized Italian cruise ship to go back aboard unwittingly became an instant hero on Wednesday, credited with saving the national honor on one of its darkest nights.
Italy has become enthralled with the tale of two captains.
One is Coast Guard Captain Gregorio De Falco, who furiously ordered the skipper of the Costa Concordia to return to his ship and oversee the rescue operations.
The other is Captain Francesco Schettino – whom newspapers have branded a coward for fleeing in the face of adversity and who is now under house arrest, accused of multiple manslaughter, causing a shipwreck and abandoning ship.
“Listen Schettino, perhaps you have saved yourself from the sea but I will make you look very bad. I will make you pay for this. Go on board (Expletive!)” De Falco yelled at Schettino during a 4-minute radio exchange made public on Tuesday.
The Italian word De Falco used, “cazzo” in Italian, is slang for the male sexual organ but it is commonly used to emphasize something, equivalent to “Go on board, damn it.”
The imperative phrase in Italian — “Vada a bordo, cazzo!” — was already on T-shirts by Wednesday morning.
There isn’t much question that Concordia captain Schettino was responsible for the disaster. He admits as much:
The captain confirmed that he took the cruise liner close to Giglio’s rocky coast in order to give a ”˜salute’ to an old colleague, a former Costa Cruises captain named Mario Palombo.
“It’s true that the salute was for Commodore Mario Palombo, with whom I was on the telephone. The route was decided as we left Civitavecchia but I made a mistake on the approach. I was navigating by sight because I knew the depths well and I had done this manoeuvre three or four times. But this time I ordered the turn too late and I ended up in water that was too shallow.
“I don’t know why it happened, I was a victim of my instincts.”
(Sounds as though something got lost in translation; “victim” of his “instincts?”)
The accusations against Schettino include another very serious charge, that of abandoning the ship. It seems obvious that that’s exactly what happened. But not so fast, says Schettino:
Mr Schettino told investigating magistrates in Grosseto, on the Italian mainland, that he ended up in the lifeboat by accident.
During three hours of interrogation on Tuesday, he reportedly said: “The passengers were pouring onto the decks, taking the lifeboats by assault. I didn’t even have a life jacket because I had given it to one of the passengers. I was trying to get people to get into the boats in an orderly fashion. Suddenly, since the ship was at a 60 to 70 degree angle, I tripped and I ended up in one of the boats. That’s how I found myself there.”
He said he got stuck in the lifeboat for an hour before it was lowered into the water off the coast of Giglio island.
Also with him was Dimitri Christidis, the Greek second in command of the Concordia and Silvia Coronica, the third officer, according to La Repubblica newspaper.
“Suspended there, I was unable to lower the boat into the sea, because the space was blocked by other boats in the water.”
So is he telling the truth about this or lying through his teeth? Is he the victim of the press and a rush to judgment, at least in regard to this portion of the charges, or guilty as charged? Were all three officers cowards who abandoned the ship, or did they all fall when the ship suddenly listed, and then other boats blocked their way back? How improbable is this story?
Time will tell—perhaps. But when I read the transcript of the conversation between De Falco and Schettino (and before I’d read Schettino’s explanation), I thought it odd that Schettino seemed to be trying to explain something about his situation with the other boat to De Falco, and the latter was so agitated and urgent that he never quite gave Schettino the opportunity to say it.
This doesn’t mean Schettino is telling the truth now, but he does seem to be telling the truth about the fact that his stupid and reckless actions caused the accident. So why would he tell the truth about that but lie about the other? Perhaps because it seems more acceptable to be reckless than a coward?
[NOTE: The title of this post is a reference to Whitman’s poem about the assassination of Lincoln. I invariably get a chill when I read it, because the emotional immediacy of Whitman’s grief for Lincoln is so striking.]