Last night I was listening to some talking heads nattering on about the results of the Wisconsin recall. What it means for Obama, what it means for public sector unions, what it means for Democrats, what it means for Romney. I noticed that the heads on the left were making so many excuses that I began to wonder whether they actually believed any of them.
I’ve read quite a few articles by liberal pundits about yesterdays results, too, and I have yet to find one that really deals with the actual issues that were at stake, the ones that the voters may have thought they were considering. Here’s an article by John Nichols that nicely encapsulates the gist of the arguments offered by the left to explain what happened in Wisconsin, and apparently it wasn’t about issues. Walker won because he spent eight times more money than the challenger. He won because the Democrats weren’t as good at “messaging.” And this just might be my favorite, because it seems to make no sense at all:
Yet, against overwhelming odds, Wisconsin’s recall movement fought its way to a dead heat, losing only narrowly in its effort to remove a “right-wing rock star” whose reelection became the top priority of the Republican party, the conservative movement and the 1% billionaires who made Walker’s reelection a national priority.
So now a 7-point spread is known as a “dead heat”? What twisted logic can lead to a conclusion like that? Is that something like 1984‘s O’Brien’s two plus two equals five if the party says it does?
So, do the talking heads and pundits such as Nichols, author of the Nation piece, actually believe what they’re writing? My answer would be “yes and no, simultaneously,” if that makes any sense (and see this for an in-depth discussion of how that can work). It serves them to believe it, and even if they are also aware on some level that there might be deeper problems that explain their loss, it’s too threatening to acknowledge that—to the public, and perhaps even to themselves. And of course they’re also acting as cheerleaders for the left, rallying the troops.
If you think (or want to think—which isn’t exactly the same but can have a similar effect) that elections can be bought by throwing enough money into them even if the policies you advocate don’t resonate with the majority of voters, then all you need to do is raise more money rather than change your message. If you think elections can be won by framing the pitch better, even if the underlying principles you’re advocating go against what the majority of people believe is right, then all you need do is hire better media consultants to manipulate them. And if you think a 7-point spread is close, neither you nor the rank and file need despair.
The alternatives may be too difficult to contemplate. They might require having respect for the fact that most people can actually think. They might require accepting the fact that the majority of people, even in a liberal state like Wisconsin, aren’t on the same page as you ideologically. Nor are they mere putty in your hands, who would come over to your side if only you had enough money and skill to say it properly.
Nichols takes it as a given that the electorate of Wisconsin was manipulated by the right into thinking, as Nichols says, that “up was down, right was left,” and to believe the right’s “fantasy and fabrication.” If you see your opponents as having no valid substantive message, that their entire campaign has been built on convincing the public of a fantasy, then all you have to do is create and sell a better fantasy.
Strategy and money are all very well and good in politics. They are necessary. They are influential. But they are not everything. Perhaps they are not even all that important above a certain basic threshold that is necessary to get the message out to the public. But if the message doesn’t resonate with people, they’re not going to buy it no matter how much you advertise.
[NOTE: Even Nichols’ assertion that Walker outspent Barrett 8-1 may be a self-deluding (or public-deluding? or both?) fabrication. As this commenter points out:
They are comparing Walker and all the independent PAC money on his side to the money that Barrett had left for his campaign after a tough primary. They’re excluding all the dough that the unions spent collecting recall signatures with their paid, out-of-state operatives. The union money that paid for GOTV efforts and advertising also isn’t counted. Nor are the expenditures from the progressive PACs. If you include all this money spent on the left, it goes a long way towards bringing this back to parity.
If that’s true, and the money amount spent by each party wasn’t all that different, then what good does it do you to fool yourself into thinking that the financial disparity was the cause of your defeat? Maybe you’re more interested in saving face than in actually winning next time.
The whole thing reminds me very much of the Scott Brown victory (what is it about these Scotts?), The Democratic Party denied and made excuses for that one, too. Look where that got them—the election of 2010.
None of this is to say that propaganda and lies don’t sometimes work. They certainly do. But hopefully, in this day and age, they don’t work as well or as effectively or as often as they used to. “You can fool some of the people…”—well, you get the idea.]