[NOTE: This is an update to this previous post of mine.
I didn’t intend to spend my blogging hours today writing about David Horowitz vs. Bill Kristol—and so, apologies for this narrow focus. I actually had other things in mind, and I expect to get around to them tomorrow. But this particular brouhaha got my goat, because it’s an example of the sort of rhetoric I see so often, deplore, and basically can do very little about.
Sigh.]
David Horowitz has now made it crystal (pun intended) clear that he is responsible for the word “renegade” in the title of his piece critical of Bill Kristol. And Horowitz is not the least bit apologetic about it:
To answer one oft-repeated question, I did write the headline with the “Renegade Jew” phrase and Breitbart chose to run it as-is. Some illiterate anti-Semites have picked up on the phrase without understanding it. Some neo-conservatives have called me names as well, displaying their own brand of inarticulate hate without bothering to respond to the actual argument of my piece.
So to clarify: I understand that a lot of conservatives are still skeptical about Donald Trump as the Republican nominee. I respect their skepticism when it is attached to reasonable arguments, since no candidate is perfect and no one can know the future…
But the primaries are over and Donald Trump is now the nominee. That means he is the only obstacle to the party of Obama and Hillary and Huma Abedin, of the Iran deal and the appeasement of Islamic Jew-hatred beginning with the Hamas terrorists of Gaza and the Fatah terrorists of the West Bank…
Splitting the Republican vote and electing Hillary is a betrayal of the Jews in an hour in which their backs are to the wall. Hence the designation renegade for those who are planning a third-party run, and for which I make no apologies.
Where to begin?
First of all—although I’m pretty certain David Horowitz does not read my blog and is not referring to me—quite a bit of the criticism of Horowitz’s article was not inarticulate and did not involve name-calling. Nor were those anti-Kristol readers who reacted to the article with anti-Semitism “illiterate,” for the most part. Horowitz seems to be failing to understand (or at least to acknowledge) the very real objections a person might have to his article, as well as the effect a headline like that would inevitably have on the significant segment of Trump supporters and Breitbart readers who are only too happy to post anti-Semitic comments, and that his headline would inevitably act as a releaser for the latter.
What’s more (as I pointed out in my first post on the subject), one of the problems with Horowitz’s critique of Kristol is that Kristol is trying to find a candidate that will act not as a mere spoiler, but who might actually have a chance of a win. Kristol has said as much:
We could get on almost every ballot, Texas passed yesterday, North Carolina is this month, almost every other state is June 27… You could get on the ballot with the right money and organization. Anderson got on all the ballots in 1980, Perot in 1992. Could you win? If you could have an attractive candidate who could get on the debate stage in October — which would mean you’d have to be at 10-15% at that time. And then you get on the debate; Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and let’s say Ben Sasse… Attractive 44 year-old senator from Nebraska… Could a lot of Americans say, whoa, we can do a lot better than Clinton or Trump, I think it is possible…
Obviously if it were easy independents would be running every four years, I think it is possible.
This year, with two remarkably disliked candidates from both major parties, it is particularly possible.
But the Horowitz article treats it as impossible. However, I can easily imagine that a lot of votes that would otherwise go to Hillary might go to this third-party candidate, a possibility Horowitz does not acknowledge. Dissatisfaction with Clinton is nearly as high as dissatisfaction with Trump, and I personally know a lot of people on right AND left who would dearly love to have a viable alternative to both.
What’s more, if we’re going to evaluate the two candidates on their Israeli stances only (one focus of Horowitz’s argument), it’s not really clear who is more pro-Israel. Take a look at articles on the subject; there’s a lot of disagreement there. And of course, both candidates are not known for keeping their word, so there’s that consideration as well. If you want to read some articles that allege Trump would not be good for Israel, there’s this from an Israeli paper that leans left, and this from Commentary (on the right). That last article cites two statements Trump made on the campaign trail that cast doubt on what his attitude towards Israel really is or will be:
Though Trump’s foreign policy statements are generally all over the map as he improvises positions that are, at one and the same time, extremely aggressive (his threats to kick ISIS’s ass) and neo-isolationist (pull back from war on Islamist terror while conducting trade wars), he has been consistent about his stance on the peace process. There he has repeatedly vowed that he would be “neutral” with regards to Israel and the Palestinians. He also expressed doubts about whether Israel was ready to take risks for peace.
Such a position makes Trump an outlier among Republicans. Virtually every other GOP presidential candidate and the overwhelming majority of Republicans in the House and the Senate have affirmed their support for Israel in a way that makes clear that they believe the U.S. strongly backs Israel against the repeated Palestinian refusal to make peace. If anything, Trump’s stance strongly resembles the policy position taken by the Obama administration over the last 7+years.
I’m not writing this post to solve the question of who would be better for Israel, Clinton or Trump. My point here is that it is disingenuous of Horowitz to claim that it is a settled question and that the answer is indisputably that Trump would be good and Hillary bad for Israel, and that any Jew who would support a third-party candidate instead of Trump is a “renegade” betrayer of Israel.
Note also that the headline of Horowitz’s piece doesn’t call Kristol a “renegade” Republican, its says “Republican Spoiler, Renegade Jew,” and so let’s look at that last sentence of Horowitz’s follow-up piece (not the original) in light of that:
Splitting the Republican vote and electing Hillary is a betrayal of the Jews in an hour in which their backs are to the wall. Hence the designation renegade for those who are planning a third-party run, and for which I make no apologies.
As I’ve said above, Kristol thinks it very possible that a third-party candidate could win, so he does not see himself as on a path to “electing Hillary.” I’ve also just pointed out that it’s not a foregone conclusion that Trump’s election would be better for Israel anyway. But in addition, if you focus on the title of Horowitz’s original piece plus those two sentences from his follow-up piece that I just quoted, there’s a further problem. Horowitz is not merely attacking “those who are planning a third-party run” as betrayers of the Republican Party and of Israel—he is attacking Kristol specifically as a Jewish betrayer. What’s more, in the article’s title it is unclear whether the Jew Kristol has betrayed Israel or the Republican Party. In fact, since the words “Renegade Jew” are preceded by the words “Republican Spoiler,” a reader might easily and rationally conclude from the headline that what Horowitz means to say is that Kristol is a Jew who has betrayed Republicans and their nominee Trump, not a Jew who has betrayed Israel. That certainly seems to be the way a lot of the anti-Semitic readers at Breitbart took it, and there’s nothing “illiterate” about their doing so.
One more thing before I get off this particular horse. In Horowitz’s original article, he gives the following example of what he considers to be a poor reason Kristol has given for not supporting Trump:
In addition to alleging that Trump is lacking in principles and character, Kristol claims that the Republican candidate is a crackpot conspiracy theorist, a disqualifying trait. Kristol’s evidence is a remark Trump made on the eve of the Indiana primary suggesting that Ted Cruz’s father might have something to hide about his alleged acquaintance with Kennedy assassin Lee Harvey Oswald…
…Comments Kristol: “What’s horrible is a leading presidential candidate trading in crackpot conspiracy theories.”
So it might be if Trump were actually putting forward a conspiracy theory.
But what we have here, obviously, is not a theory but some Trumpian campaign mischief – not dissimilar in form to his earlier suggestion that because Ted Cruz was born in Canada he might not be able to actually run for president even if he were to win the nomination. These were both campaign tricks ”“ dirty tricks if you like ”“ to throw a rival off balance and gain an advantage.
Nice to know that Horowitz can read Trump’s mind, and that “obviously” Trump is not putting forth a conspiracy theory and is not a conspiracy theorist. But again, Horowitz is ignoring Trump’s history. The Cruz-father claim was hardly the only conspiracy theory Trump has promoted—and most tellingly, some of these theories were not just in the context of an election. Trump actually has been a conspiracy theorist for a long time, on several topics.
For example, in the beginning of the Trump candidacy I wrote about Trump’s “Bush lied” “Bush is evil” attacks that long predated his candidacy this year. Thus, they were not “Trumpian campaign mischief,” they appear to have been deeply held beliefs of a longstanding nature (not that mere “campaign mischief” would excuse a slander of that magnitude anyway). I documented the history of Trump’s conspiracy theorist accusations against Bush here if you want to see how many times Trump said this, beginning way back in 2008. Horowitz treats the topic of Trump and conspiracy theories as though it was limited to the recent accusations about Cruz’s father, which it most definitely was not.
And these things were not said by aides or operatives or PACs, they were straight from Trump’s own mouth. But there were other topics, too, on which Trump has been—if not inclined to conspiracy theories—then certainly eager to embrace wacky and dangerously unscientific ones, such as the autism/vaccine link, which he not only mentioned during this campaign year but which he seems to have believed in for many years.
I could go on, but it probably doesn’t matter. These verbal wars will go on, too, and a lot more people will read the accusations than will take the trouble to look into the facts.







