That’s a sentence I didn’t expect to be writing. And yet it’s true:
Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores were captured by US forces during a “large-scale” nighttime military operation early Saturday, President Trump announced.
“The United States of America has successfully carried out a large-scale strike against Venezuela and its leader, President Nicolas Maduro, who has been, along with his wife, captured and flown out of the Country,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
“This operation was done in conjunction with US Law Enforcement. Details to follow.”
You can find more information in this Instapundit post, including the fact that China didn’t seem to have anticipated this, and the following:
I’m with some Cubans right now and they’re literally crying tears of joy.
Venezuelans are celebrating all over the globe too.
If anyone thinks this military operation was a bad idea you have NO idea how many votes we just gained for the midterms.
Trump is now the absolute hero of the Latin Americans.
I have little doubt that most Venezuelans, both refugees and those still in that long-suffering country, are happy. And people of Cuban descent in the US? Likewise. Secretary of State Rubio is, of course, one of those Americans of Cuban descent, who issued this statement a while back:
Before the U.S. captured and indicted Venezuela President Nicolas Maduro, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he was “NOT the president of Venezuela.”
In a post on X from July 2025, Rubio made clear the Trump administration’s stance on Maduro’s authority in the country, adding that “his regime is NOT the legitimate government.”
“Maduro is the head of the Cartel de Los Soles, a narco-terror organization which has taken possession of a country. And he is under indictment for pushing drugs into the United States,” Rubio wrote.
Recently the reward for Maduro’s capture was upped to fifty million dollars. Will someone receive it? Intelligence had to have been very good to be able to pull this off.
The left will be very upset by this action, to say the least.
The legal precedent seems to be the capture of Noriega in 1989. To refresh your memory:
Noriega’s relationship with the U.S. deteriorated in the late 1980s after the murder of Hugo Spadafora and the forced resignation of President Nicolás Ardito Barletta. Eventually, his relationship with intelligence agencies in other countries came to light, and his involvement in drug trafficking was investigated further. In 1988, Noriega was indicted by federal grand juries in Miami and Tampa on charges of racketeering, drug smuggling, and money laundering. The U.S. launched an invasion of Panama following failed negotiations seeking his resignation, and Noriega’s annulment of the 1989 Panamanian general election. Noriega was captured and flown to the U.S., where he was tried on the Miami indictment, convicted on most of the charges, and sentenced to 40 years in prison, ultimately serving 17 years after a reduction in his sentence for good behavior. Noriega was extradited to France in 2010, where he was convicted and sentenced to seven years of imprisonment for money laundering. In 2011 France extradited him to Panama, where he was incarcerated for crimes committed during his rule, for which he had been tried and convicted in absentia in the 1990s. Diagnosed with a brain tumor in March 2017, Noriega suffered complications during surgery, and died two months later.
Noriega’s dictatorship was marked by repression of the media, an expansion of the military, and the persecution of political opponents, effectively controlling the outcomes of any elections.
The parallels are not exact, but they certainly exist and include a stolen election. One big difference is that the capture of Noriega (Bush I was president) involved “27,000 soldiers, as well as 300 aircraft,” which is a far cry from what happened in Venezuela in the wee hours of this morning.
The case at bar [1990] presents the Court with a drama of international proportions, considering the status of the principal defendant and the difficult circumstances under which he was brought before this Court. …
On February 14, 1988, a federal grand jury sitting in Miami, Florida returned a twelve-count indictment charging General Manuel Antonio Noriega with participating in an international conspiracy to import cocaine and materials used in producing cocaine into and out of the United States. …
As is evident from the unusual factual background underlying this case, the Court is presented with several issues of first impression. This is the first time that a leader or de facto leader of a sovereign nation has been forcibly brought to the United States to face criminal charges. …
In sum, because Noriega’s conduct in Panama is alleged to have resulted in a direct effect within the United States, the Court concludes that extraterritorial jurisdiction is appropriate as a matter of international law. […] Jurisdiction over Defendant’s extraterritorial conduct is therefore appropriate both as a matter of international law and statutory construction. …
Rather than supporting Defendants’ overall position pressed under the Geneva Convention, this Article appears to recognize the right to prosecute asserted by the Government. The Article refers to “prisoners … prosecuted under the laws of the Detaining Power” (i.e., the United States) and for acts “committed prior to capture.” Further, the benefits of the Convention shall be afforded the POW “even if convicted.” The indictment charges the Defendants with violations of the laws of the United States allegedly committed between December 1982 and March 1986 – well before the military action and apprehension by surrender.
The mullahs must be very unhappy; Iran is a big ally of Maduro’s. I doubt they’re feeling especially safe today. I wonder whether the Venezuela strike was partly an effort to “persuade” them it might be in their interests to step down.
This not-so-surprising group of nations has condemned Maduro’s capture:
Iran, Colombia, Hezbollah, and Russia condemned the military operation performed by the United States in Venezuela on Saturday, where US special forces troops captured Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife, while major US allies like Germany, Spain, and Italy said they were following the situation closely.
Iran, an ally of Venezuela, said that the military attack on Venezuela was “a blatant violation of its national sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Hezbollah stated that it “condemns the terrorist aggression and American thuggery against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela” and “further affirms its full solidarity with Venezuela – its people, presidency, and government – in confronting this American aggression and arrogance.”
A very important question is: who will succeed Maduro? We don’t know at present:
A contender who could replace Maduro is Edmundo González, who was recognized by the U.S. as the winner of the disputed 2024 presidential election.
Maduro’s party nevertheless claimed victory and the country’s highest court upheld his re-election. An arrest warrant was later issued for González, and he fled to Spain amid concerns for his safety.
Meanwhile María Corina Machado, the true opposition leader and head of the Vente Venezuela party, could also take over. Machado overwhelmingly won a 2023 presidential primary, but was blocked from running for president by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice.
Machado won the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize and appeared in Oslo after escaping Venezuela. She had been in hiding since 2024.
There are other contenders, of course:
Diosdado Cabello emerges as the most feared and influential figure in the regime. La Nación describes him as the longtime number two of Chavismo, with sweeping control over party machinery and the propaganda apparatus. …
Jorge Rodríguez, president of the National Assembly and one of Maduro’s closest political operators, is another senior figure positioned for any succession scenario. …
Delcy Rodríguez, Venezuela’s vice president, is described as a central political operator within the regime and part of a powerful governing duo with her brother Jorge. …
Ivan Hernández Dala heads Venezuela’s military counterintelligence service (DGCIM) and commands the presidential guard, making him one of the most feared figures in the security apparatus. His control over internal repression gives him significant leverage in any power struggle. …
Vladimir Padrino López, Venezuela’s long-serving defense minister, is portrayed by La Nación as the backbone of the military establishment and the guarantor of Maduro’s survival.
Where are they now?
Maduro didn’t have many allies among Western nations, and so it will be interesting to see what Europe ends up saying about this action against Maduro.
