The Supreme Court finished up the liberty trifecta with Janus:
…[H]as there been a bigger win for small-government, real-life conservatives over the past few decades than the Janus v. AFSCME ruling? The decision not only fortifies the First Amendment by explicitly finding compelled speech unconstitutional, but also calls out the Left’s authoritarian political machinery, which has been holding many American communities, school systems, and workers hostage for decades.
“It is hard to estimate how many billions of dollars have been taken from nonmembers and transferred to public-sector unions in violation of the First Amendment,” Justice Samuel Alito wrote in the majority. “Those unconstitutional exactions cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely.”…
The Janus ruling also stipulates that employees must now affirmatively opt-in — rather than having to opt out — of unions before having to pay fees.
But in a dissent,
“The First Amendment,” writes Justice Elena Kagan, “was meant for better things. It was meant not to undermine but to protect democratic governance — including over the role of public-sector unions.” The idea that the court should decide who deserves First Amendment protections, or that those protections should be contingent on the vagaries of “democratic governance,” whatever that means, is as corrupt as any of the dumb things Trump has ever said about free expression. The Supreme Court is built to withstand the whims of democracy, of majoritarianism, not to surrender to them.
The strange thing about the cases decided recently is that they don’t deal with difficult, complex, or esoteric legal principles, as so many SCOTUS cases do. These particular ones are relatively simple and easy for the layperson to understand.
A bit of personal reflection here. I’m not a practicing lawyer and never was, but I graduated from a well-known law school (long ago) and have more than a passing familiarity with law, legal reasoning, and appellate opinions. When I was in law school and read those opinions and dissents, I often leaned one way or the other in terms of the way I thought the case ought to have turned out. But I usually found the reasoning on both sides to be fairly convincing and fairly tight, especially in SCOTUS cases. Sometimes an opinion would be a bit of a stretch, but it was still recognizably smart. Only a few were what I’d call bad in the quality of their reasoning, even if I disagreed with the outcome.
But that quote from Kagan seems to me to be a travesty. The protections in the Bill of Rights were meant to act as a check on the tyranny of unbridled democracy. That’s a basic, basic principle of our system of constitutional law and our history.
Does Kagan not understand that? Of course she does. But when people desire a certain outcome they can convince themselves of almost anything. Perhaps lawyers are especially good at that.
[NOTE: Likewise, the travel order case Trump v. Hawaii features dissenting opinions that are simply awful in terms of their legal reasoning. I don’t usually say that, even about opinions with which I disagree, but that case should have been a 9-0 decision in Trump’s favor. The dissenting justices stretched the law to the breaking point:
The dissenters, led by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, try to get around this by claiming that the law has no rational basis. But they do so, as Roberts notes, “by refusing to apply anything resembling rational basis review.” What they are really doing, as Roberts writes, is expressing their disapproval of the order and their opinion of the man issuing it. They “challenge the entry suspension based on their perception of its effectiveness and wisdom. They suggest that the policy is overbroad and does little to serve national security interests. But we cannot substitute our own assessment for the Executive’s predictive judgments on such matters,” the chief justice concludes.
There is a difference between thinking something is a bad idea (and you could easily argue that the travel ban is a bad idea) and claiming it has no rational basis and is therefore void. The plaintiffs, the district court, the Ninth Circuit, and Sotomayor are committing a cardinal sin of jurisprudence: coming up with the answer they wish was true and working backward to invent a legal justification for it.
But even if they are correct that the travel ban order is terrible, that does not mean it is illegal or unconstitutional. We in this country are governed by laws, not by a judge’s personal morals.]