Is the CDC so emboldened by the Democrats being in charge that it believes it can issue a nationwide mandate, just like that? Or was it the Biden administration that told it to go ahead? Of course, both can be the case:
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued a sweeping order Friday evening requiring travelers to wear face masks on most forms of public transportation in an effort to slow the rising number of coronavirus cases across the country.
Travelers and commuters will be required to don a face mask on all airplanes, ships, trains, subways, buses, taxis, and ride-shares. Masks must also be worn while waiting, boarding, traveling, and disembarking at airports, bus or ferry terminals, train and subway stations, and seaports. The order applies to “all passengers on public conveyances” traveling to or within the U.S.
The CDC’s order goes into effect at 11:59 p.m. ET on Monday.
When last I checked, subway stations were extremely local and not under federal jurisdiction. Even if they were under federal jurisdiction, what authority does the CDC have to issue such orders?
Or is even daring to ask such a question a quaint relic of olden times?
Our illustrious and august president issued a flurry of proclamations last week, and among them was an executive order “that required face masks to be worn on federal properties and during interstate travel.” At least that involves the federal government, although even then I don’t see that Biden had the authority to issue such an order – something that doesn’t seem to stop him.
We seem to be in a long-term declared public health emergency, but what does that entitle the CDC to order? Here’s a summary; I find nothing there that would necessarily cover mask mandates.
Here’s a discussion of case law on mask mandates. Key point:
Jacobson v. Massachusetts counsels judges to afford wide latitude to the judgment of health experts, so long as such measures are neutral, generally applicable, and have a medical necessity a government can justify. Thus while courts must be deferential to the need to protect public health, courts must also be vigilant against abuses of public health powers. To do that they must ask what is reasonable, look at the public health evidence, and be attuned to the pre-textual or abuse of power.
A number of courts to date have affirmed the authority of state or local governments to impose social distancing measures such as temporary business closures, although religious freedom claims have a mixed reception. Are face-covering requirements different, though?…
State or local face-covering requirements rely on the current medical consensus that not wearing a face covering or mask may endanger others. Jacobson recognized that a state’s duty to “guard and protect…the safety and health of the people” includes the duty not to endanger others: “Real liberty for all could not exist under the operation of a principle which recognizes the right of each individual person to use his own, whether in respect to his person or his property, regardless of the injury that may be done to others.”
The entire article seems to be referring to local governments rather than the federal government, and/or private businesses (the latter have more latitude). The entire issue is fraught with peril to liberty, because it is completely unclear what level of medical proof is necessary to justify such restrictions as well as what level of public protection. I would think the levels should be extraordinarily high in order to justify such invasions of private decision-making, but I very much doubt that’s the requirement the courts would require at this point.
Almost any measure of restriction can be argued to protect the public. Not driving at all, for example, would certainly protect people from being injured in traffic accidents, although few would argue for the implementation of such a rule (yet, that is).
This entire situation is a case of the real-life application of the sort of philosophy advocated by Sarah Conly a few years ago in her book Against Autonomy: Justifying Coercive Paternalism. I wrote several posts about the topic, but the most relevant one is this one entitled “For our own good.” Here’s an excerpt there from a commentary by Cass Sunstein on Conly’s book:
[Conly asserts] that autonomy is “not valuable enough to offset what we lose by leaving people to their own autonomous choices.” Conly is aware that people often prefer to choose freely and may be exceedingly frustrated if government overrides their choices. If a paternalistic intervention would cause frustration, it is imposing a cost, and that cost must count in the overall calculus. But Conly insists that people’s frustration is merely one consideration among many. If a paternalistic intervention can prevent long-term harm – for example, by eliminating risks of premature death – it might well be justified even if people are keenly frustrated by it.
That was written in 2013. I was already extremely alarmed by that sort of argument at the time, and things have only grown worse. This is another example of the university as an incubator for extreme ideas that later are disseminated into society at large and take hold. The COVID pandemic has been a remarkably good vehicle for getting us all used to the heavy and yet benevolent hand of Big Brother – and/or Big Sister clamping down on liberty “for our own good.”
[NOTE: It seems to me that this order is really directed at red states. Airlines already enforce such rules, as do blue states and cities at the local level. It’s mainly red states that don’t, and so a federal mandate would affect them the most.]