Perhaps many of you have heard of writer Raymond Aron before, but I hadn’t until I picked up a collection of essays by Roger Kimball published in 2002 and entitled Lives of the Mind.
Aron was the author of a book published in 1955 in France with the fascinating (to me, at least) title The Opium of the Intellectuals. According to Kimball, it was “a sensation” when it first came out in this country in translation in 1957. Although Kimball seems to assume his readership is at least familiar with Aron and his work, I think he’s giving most of us too much credit. But now I’ve put it on my lengthy “must read” list, because of Kimball’s description:
Aron’s subject is the bewitchment—the moral and intellectual disordering—that comes with adherence to certain ideologies. Why is it, he wondered, that certain intellectuals are “merciless towards the failings of the democracies but ready to tolerate the worst crimes as long as they are committed in the name of the proper doctrines? Aron’s title is an inversion of Marx’s contemptuous remark that religion is “the opium of the people.” He quotes Simone Weil’s sly reversal of the epigraph, “Marxism is undoubtedly a religion. in the lowest sense of the word…[I]t has been continually used…as an opiate for the people.” In fact—and fortunately—Weil got it only partly right. Marxism and kindred forms of thought never really became the people’s narcotic. But they certainly became—and in essentials they still are—the drug of choice for the group that Aron anatomized: the intellectuals.
Aron was another “changer.” According to Kimball, he went from being a declared socialist to an important critic of the Left, although he never identified himself as a man of the Right. An intellectual, he was not an elitist, but “above all a spokesman for that rarest form of idealism, the idealism of common sense.” Aron also believed in the Enlightenment value of the power of reason, but recognized “that reason’s power is always limited.”
Here’s the part of Kimballs’ essay that spoke to me the most:
Aron’s generosity of spirit was a coefficient of his recognition that reality was complex, knowledge limited, and action essential. Aron, Shils wrote, “very early came to know the sterile vanity of moral denunciations and lofty proclamations, of demands for perfection and of the assessment of existing situations according to the standards of perfection.” As Aron himself wrote in Opium, “every known regime is blameworthy if one relates it to an abstract ideal of equality or liberty.”…Aron understood that political wisdom rests in the ability to choose the better course of action even when the best course is unavailable—which is always.
There’s more, much more. But that will have to do for now. It struck me as I read those words, based on a work written over a half-century ago, that certain truths are spoken over and over but are rarely heard, because the falsehoods they critique are so continually seductive. Apparently, these things must be discovered over and over again by generation after generation, and are always in danger of being lost.
An idea similar to this one of Aron’s has come up on this blog many times, particularly when discussing the “torture” allegations connected with the Iraq war or the US’s decision during WWII to drop the atom bomb on Hiroshima. For example, I titled this post about the latter issue “Choices among crazinesses,” a phrase based on a quote from Lord Mountbatten, who said about Hiroshima that war requires choices among crazinesses:
“It would seem even more crazy,” he went on, “if we were to have more casualties on our side to save the Japanese”¦”
So the more things change the more they remain the same. Why do we keep having to relearn these things? Why does a truth so obvious remain difficult to take in and to understand? Part of the answer lies in the growing intellectualism of Western society. If the intellectuals have their own opium (Leftism itself), then the spread of higher education—although laudable in many other ways—causes the wider dissemination of idealistic and at the same time naive and selectively perfectionist thinking.
Books such as Allan Bloom’s The Closing of the American Mind, which detailed the pervasiveness of this sort of thinking in American universities back in the 80s, are companion pieces to Aron’s work. It should come as no surprise to learn that Bloom was an admirer of Aron; according to Kimball he described Aron as “the man who for fifty years…had been right about the political alternatives actually available to us.” Both Bloom and Aron’s books are further augmented by Thomas Sowell’s The Vision of the Anointed, which explores some of the same themes.
Sowell has also heard of Aron, of that you can be certain. Sowell says as much, in an article about Left/Right attitudes towards the poor, written in 2000 but every bit as relevant (if not more so) today:
Most of the leading opponents of the left, in the United States and around the world, began on the left. These include Ronald Reagan, Milton Friedman and the whole neo-conservative movement, as well as Raymond Aron in France and Friedrich Hayek in Austria. There is no comparable exodus from the right to the left.
Sowell goes on to say—and remember, this was written nine years ago:
For those of us whose main concern is the well-being of ordinary people, it is a no-brainer to abandon the left as soon as we acquire enough knowledge about what actually happens, as distinguished from what leftist theories say will happen.
It is a very different story for those on the left whose goal is either a self-righteous sense of superiority or the political power with which to express their self-infatuation by imposing their vision on others. Here the poor are a means to an end. These kinds of leftists show remarkably little interest in the creation of wealth, which has raised living standards for the poor, as compared to their obsession with redistribution, which has not.
‘Nuff said. Except, it turns out it’s not enough said, since these points have been made over and over and over, and yet look at where we are today. If the words of that last paragraph don’t apply almost perfectly (I added the “almost” in deference to Aron’s observations about the perils of perfection) to the current administration and its Democratic allies in Congress, I don’t know what does.

