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Happiness and pain: Shalit returns home

The New Neo Posted on October 18, 2011 by neoOctober 18, 2011

Looking more like the 19-year-old he was when he was abducted rather than the 25-year-old he is now, Gilad Shalit has returned home.

I’ve already written about the conundrum such cases represent. But one thing that cannot be doubted is how happy his parents must be to see him, and how relieved he is to be home, although he’ll have a lot of healing and adjusting to do.

As for Netanyahu and Israel, it’s considerably more mixed:

Netanyahu told reporters that the case of the abducted soldier was among the toughest he inherited when he assumed office 2 1 / 2 years ago. He said Israel had paid a “heavy price” to secure Shalit’s release.

“On this day,” Netanyahu said, “all of us are united in happiness and pain.”

…Israeli officials offered a subdued homecoming ceremony for Shalit, reflecting their concern about the Palestinian militants who were being freed…

Meanwhile, for the Palestinians and the Arab world, it’s unalloyed happiness—and triumph. Everything has worked out exactly as planned, and hostage-taking has been richly rewarded, as it has many times before [emphasis mine]:

The first busloads of released Palestinians, including women, crossed the border into Egypt around the same time Shalit was handed over to the Israelis. The Palestinians were taken to Gaza and the West Bank, where jubilant crowds awaited them…

In Gaza, buses transporting the freed prisoners arrived about midday. Crowds of Hamas fighters, including some of the men who kidnapped Shalit in 2006, were among the well-wishers. Relatives swarmed over the buses looking for their loved ones.

The crowds in Gaza City exhorted militants to seize more soldiers for future swaps, the Associated Press reported. “The people want a new Gilad,” thousands chanted at a rally for the freed Palestinian prisoners.

Now, that’s a cycle of violence—and appeasement.

Posted in Israel/Palestine, Terrorism and terrorists | 23 Replies

Cain’s popularity with Tea Partiers doesn’t show they’re not racists…

The New Neo Posted on October 17, 2011 by neoOctober 17, 2011

…because Cain hates black people, too.

You can’t make this stuff up, unless you’re the Onion. But unfortunately, Clarence Page doesn’t work for the Onion.

Posted in Race and racism | 44 Replies

Death at the Speedway

The New Neo Posted on October 17, 2011 by neoOctober 17, 2011

I’ve never liked auto racing, but I know that millions love it. But back when I was in college, I plowed through a biography of Stirling Moss, Formula One racer, because for a time I had a boyfriend who was a huge fan and I wanted to try to get with the program.

The only thing I remember from the book is a fact that you racing fans think may think is completely obvious, but to me it was not: Moss observed that the difference between dying and winning a race can be to take curves a tenth of an MPH faster or slower, while the difference between winning and losing the race can be the same.

To me it was chilling, but to those who love the sport it’s thrilling.

I had occasion to think of this again when I heard of the crash at yesterday’s IndyCar, one of the worst in history, involving 15 cars and causing the death of Britain’s Dan Wheldon, 33, in the fiery wreckage.

Why did it happen? I haven’t watched the video and don’t plan to, but even if I had I don’t understand racing well enough to know. But this seems like the best possibility:

Asked about speed after the crash, Wheldon’s former boss Chip Ganassi said, “There’ll be plenty of time in the offseason to talk about that. Now is not the time to talk about that.”

And Franchitti said: “I agree. We’ll discuss that and sort it out.”

But driver Oriol Servia didn’t mince words: “We all had a bad feeling about this place in particular just because of the high banking and how easy it was to go flat. And if you give us the opportunity, we are drivers and we try to go to the front. We race each other hard because that’s what we do,” he said. “We knew if could happen, but it’s just really sad.”

What is too high a risk of dying in a sport such as auto racing, and what should be done about it, if anything? When does sport turn into the Roman Coliseum?

Posted in Baseball and sports | 25 Replies

Where did Michelle Bachmann and her husband fall in love?

The New Neo Posted on October 17, 2011 by neoOctober 17, 2011

(1) At a religious retreat.
(2) In law school.
(3) Working on a kibbutz.
(4) Campaigning for Jimmy Carter.

And the answer is…found at slide 4.

A few more fun facts about spouses and ex-spouses of this year’s GOP presidential contenders and near-contenders:

Newt Gingrich met his first wife in high school—but she was his geometry teacher. They married when he was 19 and she 26 (slide 5).

I had forgotten how exceedingly attractive Todd Palin is (slide 13).

Guiliani’s first wife was his second cousin once removed. He was allowed to get an annulment from the Catholic Church because when he married her, he had thought she was his third cousin (slide 14).

Posted in Men and women; marriage and divorce and sex, Politics | 6 Replies

Sorley: Vietnam and Westmoreland, the first act

The New Neo Posted on October 15, 2011 by neoOctober 15, 2011

A reader has called my attention to the fact that Lewis Sorley has written a new book, a biography of General William Westmoreland, the general who directed what might be called the first act of the portion of the Vietnam War that involved heavy American involvement rather than mere “advisors.” Max Boot reviews the book here.

I had written about Sorley’s earlier work, A Better War, here and here. That book, which evaluates what I have referred to as the second act of the war—the Creighton Abrams/Nixon part rather than the Westmoreland/LBJ part—finds that the former was far more successful than previously thought. Now Sorley directs his formidable research powers to the first act, and not only finds Westmoreland wanting, but discovers that the widely-accepted “narrative” about civilian direction of the war being responsible for many of the failures is just plain wrong. It was Westmoreland who made many of the terrible decisions, all by himself, without much guidance from the “best and the brightest” in DC, although often with their approval and acquiescence:

The subtitle says it all: “The General Who Lost Vietnam.” This judgment flies in the face of the common view””enunciated by no less than George W. Bush and a dominant strain in the 2005 obituaries for Westmoreland””that it was the politicians (with a big assist from the news media) who lost the war. Mr. Sorley makes mincemeat of this myth. While he concedes that Lyndon Johnson was deeply involved in “actions taken outside South Vietnam” (such as the bombing of the North), he argues: “Within South Vietnam, the U.S. commander had very wide latitude in deciding how to fight the war. That was true for Westmoreland, and equally true for his eventual successor.”

It was Westmoreland””not Lyndon Johnson or even Robert McNamara””who decided to fight a “war of attrition,” sending large and cumbersome American formations to thrash through the jungle and rice paddies in search of elusive enemy units. It was Westmoreland who kept demanding more American troops and who encouraged them to fire as many artillery rounds as possible””even if they lacked specific targets. It was Westmoreland who made “body counts” the key metric of the entire war effort in the futile hope that the United States could inflict enough casualties on the Communists to make them cry “Uncle!” He did not seem to realize or care that in the process he was inflicting lesser but still considerable casualties on American forces””and that a democracy like the United States was much more casualty-averse than a one-party dictatorship like North Vietnam.

Why did Westmoreland bungle so badly? It was not, as the most extreme antiwar protesters would have it, because he was a war criminal or psychopath. Mr. Sorley shows that Westmoreland was well-intentioned and conscientious, but also dense, arrogant, vain, humorless and not too honest. Is that too harsh a judgment? You won’t think so if you read all the damning assessments compiled by Mr. Sorley from the late general’s associates. Air Force Gen. Robert Beckel thought that “he seemed rather stupid. He didn’t seem to grasp things or follow the proceedings very well.” Or Army Gen. Charles Simmons: “General Westmoreland was intellectually very shallow and made no effort to study, read, or learn. He would just not read anything. His performance was appalling.”

Those comments were made by officers who worked closely with Westmoreland during his years as Army chief of staff””1968 to 1972””a time when “briefers were dismayed to find that Westmoreland would occupy himself during one-on-one deskside briefings by signing photographs of himself, one after another, while they made their presentations.” But the warnings signs had been apparent long before. In 1964, when Westmoreland was first being considered for an assignment in Vietnam, one general privately warned that “it would be a grave mistake to appoint him”: “He is spit and polish. . . . This is a counterinsurgency war, and he would have no idea how to deal with it.”

Westmoreland’s appointment was further validation of the Peter Principle””that eventually every employee is promoted beyond his level of competence.

Boot’s article is worth reading not just for his observations about Sorley’s book, but about the entire field of Vietnam history, revisionist and otherwise. We will probably be arguing about this stuff for many decades to come. But I have found Sorley’s point of view and knowledge of the subject to be especially impressive.

Posted in Vietnam, War and Peace | 12 Replies

Dropping the CLASS Act fiction

The New Neo Posted on October 15, 2011 by neoOctober 15, 2011

Now that it’s not needed any more to help the CBO score Obamacare as reducing the deficit, the CLASS Act portion of the bill is being dropped and revealed as the dysfunctional charade it always was:

“CLASS is a critical backstop, giving working families a tool to protect themselves from being one illness or injury away from poverty,” said Garner, who directs a group called Advance CLASS Inc. “The president promised to implement this program. We expect him to keep that promise.”

The program was a long-cherished goal of Kennedy, whose support helped ensure that it was folded into the larger health-care measure despite resistance from prominent Democrats and even the White House.

Its path to inclusion was also eased by projections that, at least initially, it would boost the federal balance sheet by tens of billions of dollars. This was because the law barred the program from paying out benefits for the first five years. So by adding the program to the health-care legislation, Democrats were able to substantially increase the deficit savings they could claim for the law as a whole.

The goals of the CLASS Act were and still are laudable. Unfortunately, the financial realities are such that it’s unworkable. That didn’t stop it from being included in the original bill, or for the CBO to use it to score half the deficit savings the HCR bill was supposed to accomplish. Now the truth can be told:

Democrats engineered the program known by the acronym Class with front-loaded premiums and back-loaded benefits so that on paper it threw off a lot of revenue early on but then bankrupted itself later. This design made it possible for the Congressional Budget Office to score the program as a money-raiser during its first decade and thus make ObamaCare look like it reduced the deficit. And sure enough, CBO, in its final estimate at passage, said that Class would reduce the deficit by $70 billion through 2019””or more than half the bill’s supposed $124 billion 10-year “savings” to the federal fisc. Well, goodbye to all that…HHS’s own experts were warning Democrats all along that Class was a fiscal time bomb, so including it in the bill was a special act of fiscal corruption.

Love that phrase “a special act of fiscal corruption”—that is, among the more ordinary acts of fiscal corruption that so often are part of Congress’s dealings, and were particularly prevalent in the passage of Obamacare. And the CBO is part of the problem rather than the solution. As I wrote back in December of 2009:

I was thinking today that the CBO (Congressional Budget Office) serves no useful purpose anymore.

It’s not allowed to tell the truth. Instead, it has become the tool of a Congress willing, eager, and all too skilled at tailoring legislation to achieve a certain desired CBO score based on assumptions everyone knows are invalid. The CBO is not allowed to call Congress on its games when it evaluates bills.

So why bother? The CBO has become a way to give the imprimatur of fiscal propriety to bills that are essentially scams, and the CBO is powerless to do anything but be a yes-man to whatever a clever and duplicitous Congress manages to come up with.

So how about some sort of realistic scoring by the CBO? Is that too much to ask?

Apparently.

Posted in Finance and economics, Health care reform | 6 Replies

Still another reason to love Cary Grant

The New Neo Posted on October 15, 2011 by neoOctober 15, 2011

What he said about politics:

Grant did not think movie stars should publicly make political declarations. Grant described his politics and his reticence about them this way:

“I’m opposed to actors taking sides in public and spouting spontaneously about love, religion, or politics. We aren’t experts on these subjects. Personally I’m a mass of inconsistencies when it comes to politics. My opinions are constantly changing. That’s why I don’t ever take a public stand on issues.”

What a guy.

Posted in Movies | 19 Replies

Why the left fears Cain

The New Neo Posted on October 14, 2011 by neoOctober 14, 2011

There is the obvious reason, which is that he threatens the allegiance of blacks to candidate Obama. That’s why Harry Belafonte is trying to discredit him:

For example, singer and activist Harry Belafonte called Cain a “bad apple” and insinuated he was stupid.

“It’s very hard to comment on somebody who is so denied intelligence, and certainly someone who is as denied a view of history,” Belafonte said. “Because he happened to have had good fortune hit him, because he happened to have had a moment, when he broke through the moment someone blinked, does not make him the authority on the plight of people of color.”

Et tu, Belafonte?

Another reason is that Cain will be able to challenge Obama in ways no white candidate can. For example, when Obama lost the primary against Bobby Rush in 2000 for Rush’s seat in the House, it was in part because of statements like these on Rush’s part:

Barack Obama went to Harvard and became an educated fool. Barack is a person who read about the civil-rights protests and thinks he knows all about it.

Ouch.

Posted in Politics, Race and racism | 62 Replies

That’s what still makes horse racing

The New Neo Posted on October 14, 2011 by neoOctober 14, 2011

So, why is it that racehorses don’t get faster as time goes on while human runners do? The answer is here.

Posted in Baseball and sports | 11 Replies

Romney the big-government Republican?

The New Neo Posted on October 13, 2011 by neoJune 7, 2012

It’s no secret that Romney is not the conservatives’ choice for the Republican nomination.

He’s not mine either. But my choices aren’t running, so I’m taking a look at Romney, just as I am at all the other candidates. I may have a certain advantage here (or disadvantage, depending how you look at it): I didn’t scrutinize him all that closely in 2008 because I didn’t think he had a chance of winning, so I don’t have a lot of preconceptions.

The topic of who Romney really is and why conservatives are saying all those mean things about him is a large one, and I plan to treat it in a series of longer posts that I hope will make it out of the draft stage pretty soon. But for now I’ll just say that, although I understand some of the reservations conservatives hold towards Romney, some of it seems based on assumptions that don’t have a lot of evidence to back them up.

Yes, Romney has changed his mind on a couple of issues, particularly abortion, and now states views that are more conservative than before. Not sure why that’s such a crime, except that it causes people to believe he’s insincere, then and/or now. But what about this “Romney loves big government” charge I hear so often?

Here’s a good statement of the sort of thing one reads. In this case it’s offered by our old friend, David Frum:

Why is it that the GOP base seems not to care a whit about Mitt? Perhaps it’s because he is the anti-Tea Party, anti-talk-radio, anti-anti-government candidate.

Romney will never be able to appeal to those who want “limited government.” He fundamentally cannot; he is, at bottom, a center-right candidate who believes that government, when run effectively and efficiently, can produce the best results for the most people.

Frum is no conservative, of course. But I’ve read that charge from many actual conservatives, and it’s usually offered in just the way Frum presents it here: without any evidence. It’s thought of as an obvious truth.

I’d love to see exactly on what it’s based. When I look at Romney’s actual record, I notice a couple of things. One is that the vast majority of his work experience has not been in politics at all, it’s in the private sector. Nothing “big government” about that. He has run for office and lost twice, the first a Massachusetts Senate race challenging Ted Kennedy in 1994, and the second his run for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008. His only elected office was his single term as governor of Massachusetts, one of the the most liberal states in the union, from 2003-2007. As such, he dealt with a heavily Democratic-liberal legislature.

During his tenure, he raised fees and closed tax loopholes in order to raise revenue. Is this the origin of the “big government” charge? It was hardly extreme, considering he was dealing with Massachusetts and a large deficit, and ended up with a surplus for the state. That surplus was also arrived at by cutting spending (and note particularly the last sentence, which shows you the limitations Romney faced):

The state legislature, with Romney’s support, also cut spending by $1.6 billion, including $700 million in reductions in state aid to cities and towns. The cuts also included a $140 million reduction in state funding for higher education, which led state-run colleges and universities to increase tuition by 63 percent over four years. Romney sought additional cuts in his last year as Massachusetts governor by vetoing nearly 250 items in the state budget, but all of them were overridden by the Democratic-dominated legislature.

As for Romneycare, it’s a huge topic that I hope to treat more thoroughly another time. But for now I’ll just say that at the time it was passed it was recommended by the conservative Heritage Foundation as a private-enterprise alternative to the big-government public option that liberal Massachusetts might have passed some day had Romney not come up with this plan. Romneycare was considered quite consistent with conservative principles. Whether it panned out as expected is another story entirely, for another day.

Take a trip back in time and read what the Heritage Foundation had to say about Romneycare back in 2006:

In reality, those who want to create a consumer-based health system and deregulate health insurance should view Romney’s plan as one of the most promising strategies out there. I know, because I’ve been part of the Heritage Foundation team advising the governor and his staff on the design, which builds on some of my work with officials in other states.

The Heritage Foundation has changed its tune on the individual mandate that was part of Romneycare, at least at the federal level (which Romney hadn’t advocated in the first place; he was dealing only with the state). That’s the Heritage Foundation’s prerogative. But to be consistent, shouldn’t we accuse them of flip-flopping, too?

[NOTE: Feel free to come up with other examples of Romney’s big government proclivities.]

Posted in Liberals and conservatives; left and right, Politics, Romney | 75 Replies

Whatever happened to those gorgeous stewardesses?

The New Neo Posted on October 13, 2011 by neoOctober 13, 2011

Why did they wave bye-bye?

Used to be that one of the most noticeable aspects of the commercial flying experience was the really spectacular good looks of those uniformed young women who demonstrated the oxygen masks and exit routes, and performed such quaint and now virtually defunct offices as passing out meals and distributing assorted magazines in plastic binders. For the most part they wore uniforms far spiffier than today’s (always featuring, if memory serves, sheath skirts, fitted jackets, and perky little hats), and their jobs were looked upon as glamorous ones, whatever the reality may have been.

Glen Whitman, Megan McArdle, and Daniel Foster all take a turn at explaining why it’s come down to today’s far less pulchritudinous and friendly skies. Whitman thinks deregulation priced the hotties out of the flight attendant market, but McArdle points out (rightly, I believe) that it was unions and feminism:

Stewardesses used to be subject to all sorts of extremely strict rules: they couldn’t be married, couldn’t gain weight, couldn’t get pregnant, couldn’t be much over 30. If you fire everyone who violates those rules, then yes, you will select for a much “hotter” group of women than the current crop.

You could probably still get a large group of young, hot women to take a job that involves free flights all around the world. But those jobs are no longer open, because airlines stopped firing all the old, fat parents. Thanks to a combination of feminist shaming, union demands, and anti-discrimination laws. Moreover, once they no longer fired people over a certain age, union seniority rules immediately started selecting for older workers, in two ways: layoffs are usually last hired first fired, and older people have a lot of sunk costs in terms of pension accrual and seniority, so they’re less likely to leave. If you fly a major airline, you’ll notice very few stewardesses in their twenties.

This, like Whitmans’ explanation, is probably correct as far as it goes. But it doesn’t go far enough. McArdle is too young to remember flying way back when. But my first flight was as a child in 1960, and I do remember. And the stewardesses in those days were not just today’s attendants with all the older and fatter ones weeded out; they were, as a rule, far more lovely than the very youngest and slimmest among today’s crop.

It’s Foster who touches on some of the other factors that have changed since then, important parts of the picture:

I’d add another factor (one McArdle starts to get at) that is likewise probably interdependent on the other two: The labor market for young women has changed. Since the 60s heyday of Pan Am, women have vaulted past men in educational achievement at the same time that a variety of professions requiring college degrees have become more accessible to them. Thus many of the young, attractive women who might have opted for a career as a flight attendant now have more options available to them. Also, flying has become a decidedly more mundane ”” even dreary ”” affair in the last few decades, and thus is probably less appealing as a career than it would have been to a young woman in 1965, when the idea of the jet-set lifestyle was probably more alluring.

It’s apparent to anyone who remembers the olden days that not only have the stewardesses changed, but the flying public has changed as well. For example, whenever I used to fly, as a teenager and a young woman, I got all dressed up, pretty much like those stewardesses. No, I didn’t wear white gloves and a hat, but I always wore a dress, hose, and heels. And so did just about everybody else (or the masculine equivalent). Flying was special, very different from taking a Greyhound bus, and one dressed for the role.

In this drawing, take a look not only at the stewardess, but at those all-important passengers in the background (climbing that flight of stairs):

What’s more, the specialness extended to the experience itself. Planes were more often half-empty (or even less) rather than full to the brim. The methods airlines now use for making sure they don’t waste a trip and precious fuel by flying a plane that is less than heavily loaded with passengers were not as highly developed, and probably the profit margin per passenger was higher (the cost of a flight for the consumer was certainly higher in relative terms). I would guess that a stewardess’s job was a lot easier; if they served the customers with greater charm and a more dazzling smile it was probably because it was a lot more pleasant to do so.

What’s more, some of the perks must have seemed perkier. Nowadays it’s not that hard to do a great deal of traveling, if you get a lot of frequent-flier miles and points, and shop well to get the bargain seats. In the early 60s we ordinary folk couldn’t afford to do much traveling, and one of the great attractions of being a stewardess was the chance to do just that. Stewardesses joined the airlines to see the world; now there are a host of ways to accomplish the same feat.

[NOTE: For those looking for more photos of the olden days, a four-part illustrated series begins here. It’s a bit heavy with photos from the mini-skirted late 60s rather than the era I’m primarily talking about, but it’s full of eye candy for the guys and retro fashion for the ladies.

Here’s another look at flying back in the good-bad old days.]

Posted in Uncategorized | 39 Replies

Israel and the Shalit deal: the moral dilemma of hostage-prisoner exchange

The New Neo Posted on October 12, 2011 by neoOctober 12, 2011

The dilemma Israel faces when its enemies take hostages such as Gilad Shalit is an excruciating one.

IDF soldier Shalit was captured by Hamas over five years ago. He’s only 25 years old now, but it probably seems like several lifetimes to him and certainly to his parents. He was kept all that time under conditions that “multiple human rights organizations have stated…are contrary to international humanitarian law.”

The purpose of a kidnapping such as Shalit’s is to wring the susceptible Israeli heart into releasing a great many terrorists in exchange, and that is exactly what has finally happened. Eitan Haber reflects on the conundrum for Israelis:

Yet a day or two shall pass, and the very same media, which turned the Shalit family and its noble struggle into a “commercial product” filled with tears, will slam the number of terrorists released, and especially their “quality.” The most will be written about the life sentences. Various media outlets will compete for the exact number: 2,000 life sentences, or is it 2,135 [sic]? Not even one kind word will be dedicated to those who secured Shalit’s release from captivity. Plenty of bad blood and charges will follow. We’re world champions when it comes to that.

I’m not so sure all the self-flagellation is warranted. The dilemma is inherent in the situation, as the hostage-takers well know. Israel is a tiny country composed of people who are both tough and pushovers, and each citizen is almost like family.

Giving in to terrorists through such exchanges has several bad effects. It encourages a repeat; the hostage-takers have gotten exactly what they want. They will score not only the return of over a thousand terrorists (some of them murderers), but major propaganda points. Talk about cycles of violence!

And in return the Israelis get: Gilad Shalit. How to measure the value of a life? I can’t.

Posted in Israel/Palestine, Terrorism and terrorists | 27 Replies

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