Has New York’s stop and frisk law really reduced crime? After all, remember that correlation is not causation.
And are black men unfairly targeted by it, or is the proportion just about right considering the demographics of crime?
And speaking of the demographics of crime, isn’t it mainly the black population that’s being protected by this law, if it has indeed caused crime rates to go down?
Another interesting question is whether New York crime has gone down more than in other cities that don’t have stop and frisk. And why doesn’t every article on the subject attempt to answer that question? Surely someone must have done some research on that. And if not, why not?
To me, the most important issue is whether New York’s stop and frisk laws are being used to stop people (of any race or ethnic group) for little or no reason, or whether they are being used responsibly to stop people the police have reason to believe are acting unlawfully.
Why am I writing about this post, anyway? Well, today a federal judge “elevated to class-action status a lawsuit accusing officers of using race as a factor in stopping people on the city’s streets, opening the door to a vast number of additional plaintiffs.” Some statistics:
The stops ”“ as a practical matter ”“ are notable for the measure of racial disparity that occurs: black and Hispanic people generally represent more than 85 percent of those stopped by the police though their combined population makes up a smaller share of the city’s racial composition. Critics, including the New York Civil Liberties Union, also point out that the number of those who get arrested or issued a summons hovers around 10 percent of the stops ”“ and that it is proof that the majority of those stopped have done nothing wrong.
Would the NY Civil Liberties Union be happier if the police arrested more of these people rather than fewer? Don’t think so.
By the way, I wonder how many of New York’s finest are black or Hispanic themselves. I haven’t a clue, but I was unable to find that statistic, which surprised me. If it’s a rather high percentage, it would certainly cast some doubt on the “New York cops are racists” meme.
I note also that 93% of those stopped are men. But I don’t see any class action suit by men, although that would be every bit as justified (or unjustified, as the case may be) as the racial suit, wouldn’t it?
[NOTE: I finally found some figures that address the question in my next to last paragraph, although they are outdated (from 2008). But for what it’s worth, here they are:
In the lower ranks, the number of blacks has increased in the department; minorities have represented 53 percent of the officers hired during the Bloomberg administration. The 36,000-member department is 54.3 percent non-Hispanic white, 16.4 percent black, 25.7 percent Hispanic and 4.2 percent Asian-American.
Those figures are getting closer to mirroring a city that, based on 2006 figures from the Census Bureau, was 34.7 percent non-Hispanic white, 23.7 percent black, 27.6 percent Hispanic and 11.6 percent Asian-American.
Mr. Kelly’s tenure has also been characterized by Police Academy classes that more closely resemble the racial makeup of the city’s eight million residents. The class that graduated from the academy in July 2005, which was 18.3 percent black, was the first predominantly minority class in the department’s history. “We have recruits born in 50 countries,” Mr. Kelly said.]