The following was written by David Simon, who so far as I can tell is a not just a liberal but a leftist. He’s lived in Baltimore for a long, long time, used to be a police reporter for The Baltimore Sun, and is “creator, executive producer and head writer of the HBO television series ‘The Wire.’”
Simon believes that Baltimore’s policing problem got much worse with the intensification of the drug war, which he thinks is a function of class, as he explains in the following. But his leftist boilerplate is not why I’m highlighting what he says; it is because of some of his observations about the behavior of black police officers in Baltimore:
When Ed [former homicide detective Ed Burns] and I reported “The Corner,” [a book they wrote together in 1997 about an inner-city neighborhood in Baltimore] it became clear that the most brutal cops in our sector of the Western District were black. The guys who would really kick your ass without thinking twice were black officers. If I had to guess and put a name on it, I’d say that at some point, the drug war was as much a function of class and social control as it was of racism. I think the two agendas are inextricably linked, and where one picks up and the other ends is hard to say. But when you have African-American officers beating the dog-piss out of people they’re supposed to be policing, and there isn’t a white guy in the equation on a street level, it’s pretty remarkable. But in some ways they were empowered. Back then, even before the advent of cell phones and digital cameras ”” which have been transforming in terms of documenting police violence ”” back then, you were much more vulnerable if you were white and you wanted to wail on somebody. You take out your nightstick and you’re white and you start hitting somebody, it has a completely different dynamic than if you were a black officer. It was simply safer to be brutal if you were black, and I didn’t know quite what to do with that fact other than report it. It was as disturbing a dynamic as I could imagine. Something had been removed from the equation that gave white officers ”” however brutal they wanted to be, or however brutal they thought the moment required ”” it gave them pause before pulling out a nightstick and going at it. Some African American officers seemed to feel no such pause…
What the drug war did, though, was make this all a function of social control. This was simply about keeping the poor down, and that war footing has been an excuse for everybody to operate outside the realm of procedure and law.
Simon goes on to say this:
The drug war began it, certainly, but the stake through the heart of police procedure in Baltimore was Martin O’Malley. He destroyed police work in some real respects. Whatever was left of it when he took over the police department, if there were two bricks together that were the suggestion of an edifice that you could have called meaningful police work, he found a way to pull them apart.
Simon goes on to explain how it was done. It’s way too long to quote here; just go there and read if you’re interested.
I have no way to know the truth or falsehood of Simon’s description; I certainly don’t have my finger on the pulse of the Baltimore PD. But let’s just say it’s true, for the sake of argument. If so, what would that indicate about the ability of liberal Democratic administrations to deal with inner-city crime fairly and effectively? Not much. Martin O’Malley is, of course, a liberal Democrat and one of Hillary Clinton’s biggest Democratic challengers. Simon says this about that:
…hey, if [O’Malley is] the Democratic nominee, I’m going to end up voting for him. It’s not personal and I admire some of his other stances on the death penalty and gay rights.
So despite Simon’s excoriation of O’Malley’s approach to crime (Simon goes on and on about it at great length), there’s no way Simon is going to defect from the party and vote for a Republican, any Republican. That’s just the way it is.
The following part of Simon’s essay seems particularly confused. It’s the moment where his recitation of the leftist line comes up against his actual observations, and he doesn’t see the contradiction between the two:
I’d say that at some point, the drug war was as much a function of class and social control as it was of racism. I think the two agendas are inextricably linked…
He never defines “class” or “social control,” but the behavior of the black officers he has just described as being so brutal in the service of the drug war (more brutal even than the white officers) clearly undercuts the idea that race has much (or anything) to do with this. Nor (at least when last I checked) are police officers, black or white, members of some privileged class in the economic sense. It’s not unusual for them to have come up on the mean streets that are the same ones (or similar to) the ones they patrol, and while their pay is decent and therefore certainly above poverty level (it tends to average in the 50K range), that isn’t particularly high in this day and age, especially considering the risks they take. If he’s thinking that this is a class war, it would have to be between the working class and those at or below poverty level, a division which seems to me to be a function more of work ethic than anything else. You don’t get a lot of rich privileged kids becoming cops.
As for “social control”—well, isn’t that the goal of police work? I’m stumped by that one. How can you have law and order without some method of controlling people’s behavior in order to discourage and/or punish lawlessness?
I don’t doubt that there are many corrupt police. But Democratic administrations certainly don’t prevent or reduce that corruption—as Simon has no doubt noticed himself. Much of it is inherent in the job—the temptations are fierce, the push towards cynicism intense, and the opportunities rife. That has little to do with race and everything to do with human nature.
But hey, vote Democrat and it will all be better.
[NOTE: One more thing—the following passage of Simon’s leapt out at me, as well:
Two things get your ass kicked faster than anything: one is making a cop run. If he catches you, you’re 18 years old, you’ve got fucking Nikes, he’s got cop shoes, he’s wearing a utility belt, if you fucking run and he catches you, you’re gonna take some lumps. That’s always been part of the code. Rodney King could’ve quoted that much of it to you.
That’s typical of Simon’s language and his “I’m a tough and realistic guy with tough and realistic talk who’s willing to tell it like it is” stance. But what is he actually saying? That King was beaten because he ran? But it didn’t happen that way at all. King didn’t “run,” he led the cops on a fairly lengthy and dangerous high-speed car chase, and then he actively resisted arrest by charging them. The famous videotape only showed the aftermath; earlier parts were withheld from the public and came out later, at the trial. I guess Simon didn’t get the memo.
Here’s more on the King case. See also this. King was speeding and drunk when the police first tried to pull him over, and he later admitted that he led them on the chase because he knew a drunk driving conviction would be a violation of his parole for a previous robbery conviction. Here’s the sort of chase it was. It started on the freeway, but then:
…continued through residential surface streets, at speeds ranging from 55 to 80 miles per hour. By this point, several police cars and a police helicopter had joined the pursuit. After approximately eight miles, officers cornered King in his car at the corner of Foothill Boulevard and Osborne Street.
I wonder what Simon thought the police should have done with a guy who was very drunk and driving hazardously before the chase began. Was it too classist and too socially controlling of them to pursue him and then try to arrest him, which involved subduing him? What if he had killed someone with his car that night? And what does Simon think should be done with people who are addicted to drugs and/or alcohol, like King?
King always seemed to me like a man whose primary problem was his addiction to alcohol and drugs, and his propensity for bad behavior when under the influence of either or both. The remainder of his life played it out (including his repeated failures with rehab programs):
King continued to get into trouble after the 1991 incident. On August 21, 1993, he crashed his car into a block wall in downtown Los Angeles. He was convicted of driving under the influence of alcohol, fined, entered an alcohol rehabilitation program and was placed on probation. In July 1995, he was arrested by Alhambra police after hitting his wife with his car and knocking her to the ground. He was sentenced to 90 days in jail after being convicted of hit and run. King invested a portion of his settlement in a record label, Straight Alta-Pazz Records, which went under. On August 27, 2003, King was arrested again for speeding and running a red light while under the influence of alcohol. He failed to yield to police officers and slammed his vehicle into a house, breaking his pelvis…
In May 2008, King checked into the Pasadena Recovery Center in Pasadena, California…
In 2009, King and other Celebrity Rehab alumni appeared as panel speakers to a new group of addicts at the Pasadena Recovery Center, marking 11 months of sobriety for him.
…On March 3, 2011, the 20th anniversary of the beating, the LAPD stopped King for driving erratically and issued him a citation for driving with an expired license. This arrest led to his February 2012 misdemeanor conviction for reckless driving…
On June 17, 2012, King’s fiancée Cynthia Kelly found him lying at the bottom of his swimming pool…On August 23, 2012, King’s autopsy results were released, stating he died of accidental drowning, and alcohol, cocaine, marijuana, and PCP found in his system were contributing factors. “The effects of the drugs and alcohol, combined with the subject’s heart condition, probably precipitated a cardiac arrhythmia and the subject, thus incapacitated, was unable to save himself and drowned.”
It’s a sad story, and one that has often been distorted by activists in order to make political points.]