Chris Cillizza writes in the WaPo about the unprecedented shift in Donald Trump’s favorable/unfavorable polling in Iowa, from 27/63 back in May to 61/35 now. Did I say “shift”? More like “reversal”:
Numbers just don’t reverse themselves like that in the space of a few months (or ever). Especially when the politician in question is totally known by the electorate. Once you are both totally known and broadly disliked ”” as Trump was in May both in Iowa and everywhere else ”” you are doomed. One hundred times out of one hundred.
That’s why I was SO certain of Trump’s inability to matter at all in the 2016 race when he, somewhat stunningly, decided to enter it 70-odd days ago. In the almost 20 years ”” gulp ”” I have spent following politics closer than close, I’ve never seen anything like the total reversal in how Trump is perceived by Republican voters. It is, quite literally, unprecedented.
Cillizza seems dumbfounded by it. But Ann Althouse has a theory:
I suspect the change is that people have become accustomed to the idea that Trump hasn’t toppled, that the obvious ways of attacking him have failed, so he seems to be a credible candidate. In that sense, the media’s attacks have helped Trump, because he got the opportunity to very conspicuously show how he can stand his ground.
I think she’s correct and that his ability to withstand the onslaught of attacks has caused admiration. But I have an additional theory. I submit that, although Cillizza points out that prior to his candidacy Trump was “totally known and broadly disliked,” he was not known in his role as politician; certainly he wasn’t known that way back in May. Yes, he’d had a few desultory forays into politics before (2011), but who even knew that or paid attention at the time? I certainly didn’t.
When Trump first officially entered the 2016 race, his speech drew fire for his contention that many illegals were criminals (particularly the “rapists” remark), and he was widely criticized in the press and elsewhere because it seemed like such a stupidly incendiary thing to say. They thought it would finish him. But then it turns out that the facts seemed to back him up regarding criminality, and the Kate Steinle murder was a terrible and graphic example to which people could relate.
Trump got to say “See! Told you so!,” and this caused people to wonder whether he was really so off-the-graph after all.
As Trump went on, people became more familiar with him as a candidate. That’s a different thing from being familiar with a person’s business record or his reality-TV performances. As a politician—at least, this time round—he has had an almost uncanny knack for saying things, being ridiculed for them, and then having them come true. He also has demonstrated a remarkable ability to speak off-the-cuff, without notes, in a way that strikes many people as honest, sincere—and above all, likable.
I wrote about Trump’s unexpectedly populist touch here. For a man who was actually born with a silver spoon in his mouth, it’s surprising. But some of the very things the MSM and the “establishment” GOP dislikes him for—his anti-PC bluntness, his bluster, his seemingly stream-of-consciousness speeches—are exactly what give him that common touch for many listeners.
There’s something else going on, too, with his poll numbers. The public has not only gotten used to Trump as candidate, and (as Althouse writes) gotten used to seeing that he can stand his ground, but people have also become accustomed to the ideas he expresses, thoughts that initially may have seemed far out of the mainstream because they hadn’t been commonly voiced by politicians. An end to birthright citizenship for the children of illegals is the sort of issue only talked about previously by Senator Vitter (and relatively obscure bloggers like me), and how many people had ever heard of it before Trump, or knew the arguments pro or con? Trump dragged the idea out into the sunlight to be discussed and dissected, and many people who heard him (and had found it a radical notion at first) decided, once they became familiar with the discussion, that the idea had some merit. Over time, the shock value of Trump’s positions generally has been diluted.
All those things contribute to the Iowans’ change of heart. But is Iowa typical? This article, and the polls it cites, maintains that, overall, Trump’s negatives are still quite high compared to his positives, and he gets a lot of “would never vote for” responses.
One thing is certain: Trump is stumping a lot of people as he continues on the stump.