I’ve long known the basics of the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror. You probably do, too. But except for the history buffs among you, some of the details may have escaped you, as they had escaped me.
Right now I’m reading a book by Christopher Hibbert called The Days of the French Revolution
, and I’ve had to put it down periodically to rest from the horror I’m reading, as well as to think about it—even though, as I said, I already knew the broad outlines of what happened.
Here are a couple of the things I’d never thought about before: most of the protagonists were trained as lawyers. And most were young—some really really young (for example, Robespierre’s ironically-named right-hand man Saint-Just, one of the coldest and cruelest of them all, was 25-26 years old during the height of the Reign of Terror, and Robespierre himself was a relative elder statesmen when he became an influential revolutionary at barely 30).
Here is a quote from Robespierre which I found at this website. Robespierre justified what he did in the Terror this way:
If the basis of popular government in peacetime is virtue, the basis of popular government during a revolution is both virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror is baneful; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing more than speedy, severe and inflexible justice; it is thus an emanation of virtue; it is less a principle in itself, than a consequence of the general principle of democracy, applied to the most pressing needs of the patrie.
In other words, the ends justify the means.
At that same website, Marisa Linton describes the process:
[Robespierre] had an unshakable belief that his own aims coincided with what was best for the Revolution. He was a man of painful sincerity. He was not a hypocrite. He really did believe that the Terror could sustain the republic of virtue. But he was naturally self-righteous, suspicious and unforgiving. All these qualities came to the fore as it became evident that while the Terror played a key part in winning the war and quelling the counter-revolution, it was having the reverse effect as far as installing the republic of virtue was concerned, undermining any genuine enthusiasm for the Revolution.
Very early in the uprising that became known as the French Revolution, massacres had been perpetrated by the mob itself. During the Reign of Terror, revolutionary leaders Robespierre and many of the other Jacobins rationalized their use of government as an instrument of terror to prevent more terror by the mob:
The most notorious instance of the crowd’s rough justice was the prison massacres of September 1792, when around 2,000 people, including priests and nuns, were dragged from their prison cells, and subjected to summary ”˜justice’. The Convention was determined to avoid a repeat of these brutal scenes, but that meant taking violence into their own hands as an instrument of government.
When the Convention debated the fate of Louis XVI, now a prisoner of the revolutionaries, Robespierre and his youthful colleague, Saint-Just (1767-94) – also once an opponent of the death penalty – led the way in claiming that ‘Louis must die in order for the Revolution to live’. Robespierre…was coming to the conclusion that the ends justified the means, and that in order to defend the Revolution against those who would destroy it, the shedding of blood was justified.
In June 1793, the sans-culottes, exasperated by the inadequacies of the government, invaded the Convention and overthrew the Girondins. In their place they endorsed the political ascendancy of the Jacobins. Thus Robespierre came to power on the back of popular street violence. Though the Girondins and the Jacobins were both on the extreme left, and shared many of the same radical republican convictions, the Jacobins were much more brutally efficient in setting up a war government…
…As fellow revolutionary Danton said, “let us be terrible in order to stop the people from being so”…
Many people in France were already indifferent, if not openly hostile, to the Revolution. For many the Revolution now meant requisitioning of supplies, military conscription and the constant threat to their traditional ways of life, churches, even time – for the revolutionaries had even invented a new calendar. Throughout the year of Jacobin rule, it was the sans-culottes who kept them in power. But the price of that support was the blood-letting.
Food for thought. Let me add that once Robespierre and confederates like Saint-Just had been guillotined by former colleagues who had (justifiably) become afraid that they themselves would be next on the block, the Terror abated—although massacres and killings and suffering continued on a somewhat smaller scale. Society and civil order had been broken, and the task of putting them back together (never in the same way, of course) was long and arduous.
Why am I interested? I’ve had a lifelong fascination for the ways in which “good intentions” can lead to—well, you know where they can lead—and just how it has happened time and again in human history. The French Revolution was just one example, a populist movement of the left based on a philosophy that ignores human nature, run by people who seem to have had no idea what they had unleashed or how to control it.