[NOTE: This is the first of a two-part or perhaps three-part series.]
A great many people seem surprised that the left is so strongly allied with the Palestinians, and are their main champions in the West. After all, the two groups would seem antithetical on a host of important values. The left claims to support the rights of LGBTQ people and yet the Palestinians are downright hostile to them – as well as to sexual freedom in general and women’s rights, which are other purported leftist causes. Many leftists are anti-religion as well, whereas a very restrictive form of Islam prevails among most Palestinians.
And yet the alliance between the left and the Palestinians is not only there, but it goes way back. Take a look at this, written in 2003 by a Romanian named Ion Mihai Pacepa, head of intelligence there who had defected to the West. He describes a very direct connection between the Soviets and the Palestinians [emphasis mine]:
I was given the KGB’s “personal file” on Arafat. He was an Egyptian bourgeois turned into a devoted Marxist by KGB foreign intelligence. The KGB had trained him at its Balashikha special-ops school east of Moscow and in the mid-1960s decided to groom him as the future PLO leader. First, the KGB destroyed the official records of Arafat’s birth in Cairo, replacing them with fictitious documents saying that he had been born in Jerusalem and was therefore a Palestinian by birth.
The KGB’s disinformation department then went to work on Arafat’s four-page tract called “Falastinuna” (Our Palestine), turning it into a 48-page monthly magazine for the Palestinian terrorist organization al-Fatah. Arafat had headed al-Fatah since 1957. The KGB distributed it throughout the Arab world and in West Germany, which in those days played host to many Palestinian students….
Arafat was an important undercover operative for the KGB. Right after the 1967 Six Day Arab-Israeli war, Moscow got him appointed to chairman of the PLO. Egyptian ruler Gamal Abdel Nasser, a Soviet puppet, proposed the appointment. In 1969 the KGB asked Arafat to declare war on American “imperial-Zionism” during the first summit of the Black Terrorist International, a neo-Fascist pro-Palestine organization financed by the KGB and Libya’s Moammar Gadhafi. It appealed to him so much, Arafat later claimed to have invented the imperial-Zionist battle cry. But in fact, “imperial-Zionism” was a Moscow invention, a modern adaptation of the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” and long a favorite tool of Russian intelligence to foment ethnic hatred. The KGB always regarded anti-Semitism plus anti-imperialism as a rich source of anti-Americanism….
In March 1978 I secretly brought Arafat to Bucharest for final instructions on how to behave in Washington. “You simply have to keep on pretending that you’ll break with terrorism and that you’ll recognize Israel — over, and over, and over,” Ceausescu told him for the umpteenth time….
You can find similar assertions about Abbas here.
There’s no way for me to prove that these things are true, but they certainly seem to be in line with Soviet propaganda of the era. For example:
Soviet anti-Zionism is an anti-Zionist and pro-Arab doctrine promulgated in the Soviet Union during the Cold War. While the Soviet Union initially pursued a pro-Zionist policy after World War II due to its perception that the Jewish state would be socialist and pro-Soviet, its outlook on the Arab–Israeli conflict changed as Israel began to develop a close relationship with the United States and aligned itself with the Western Bloc. Anti-Israel Soviet propaganda intensified after Israel’s sweeping victory in the 1967 Arab–Israeli War, and it was officially sponsored by the agitation and propaganda media of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as well as by the KGB. Among other charges, it alleged that Zionism was a form of racism. The Soviets framed their anti-Zionist propaganda in the guise of a study of modern Zionism, dubbed Zionology. …
In his 1969 book Beware! Zionism, Yuri Ivanov, the Soviet Union’s leading Zionologist, defined modern Zionism as follows:
“Modern Zionism is the ideology, a ramified system of organisations and the practical politics of the wealthy Jewish bourgeoisie which has closely allied itself with monopoly circles in the USA and other imperialist countries. The main content of Zionism is bellicose chauvinism and anti-communism.”
Soviet leaders said Soviet anti-Zionism was not antisemitic. As proof, they pointed to the fact that several prominent Zionologists were ethnic Jews representing an expert opinion.
Sound familiar?
More:
The meaning of the term Zionism was defined by the ruling Communist Party of the Soviet Union: “the main posits of modern Zionism are militant chauvinism, racism, anti-Communism and anti-Sovietism… overt and covert fight against freedom movements and the USSR.” …
The Israeli government was also referred to as a “terrorist regime” which “has raised terror to the level of state politics.”
Adopting the “chauvinism” and “racism” and “terrorist” accusations was an important move for the PLO in appealing to the Western left. And the Protocols accusations appealed to some disparate groups on the far right, as well. And who was it who helped invent – or at least laid the groundwork for – “anti-colonialism” and “postcolonial” theory? Why, those champions of freedom and national autonomy, the Soviets:
In accounts of the precursors of postcolonial theory a number of thinkers usually appear, such as Marx, Lenin, perhaps Mao Zedong, but definitely Frantz Fanon and C.L.R. James. Missing from this line-up is Stalin. It is convenient to ignore Stalin, since his name functions as a cipher for radical polarization, oscillating between veneration and demonization. Yet, a sober reassessment of Stalin will find that he is crucial not only for the prehistory of postcolonial theory, but also the theoretical and practical groundwork that postcolonial theory needed to repress in order to enable its own emergence.
The following study has three steps. First, it draws on the insightful work of Christina Petterson, which shows that postcolonial theory could arise only after the triumphalist ‘defeat’ of the Soviet Union and indeed the Eastern Bloc after 1989, or what she calls the dissolution of the so-called ‘Second World’. Second, it analyses the theory and practice of affirmative action in the Soviet Union, which was explicitly fostered by Stalin. Third, and crucially, it identifies the breakthrough from affirmative action to an anti-colonial position, which provided the justification for Soviet policies in assisting anti-colonial struggles throughout the world. These two features – affirmative action and anti-colonialism – enabled the historical conditions for post-colonialism, as well as the theoretical and practical realities that have been simultaneously repressed and appropriated by postcolonial theory.
Here you will find a densely jargon-filled more recent description of postcolonial theory. Note the prominence that academic Middle Eastern Studies took on as a path to promulgating this way of looking at the world:
However, for the theory to take shape as an analytic it needed something more than a binary exposition or a simple historical genealogy; it required an understanding of those power structures that governed the representation of colonized peoples. The text that gave a language and a methodology for the latter was Edward W. Said’s 1978 book, Orientalism. Although Said did not use the term “postcolonial theory” in the first edition of his work, his argument (after Foucault) of the links between discourse and power provided a framework within which a postcolonial theory could be given shape.
I already have a draft for a post about Said’s role in all of this; maybe it will form the basis for a Part III. However, a planned Part II will deal with how the Soviet propaganda line on Palestine was spread by Western leftists in the aftermath of the 1967 war and during the 70s.