I’m very very tired of writing about James Comey. And yet there’s something (or many things) morbidly fascinating about him, now that he’s been unleashed on his book promotion tour and now that his memos have seen the light of day. It’s not just his strange affect, but it’s also the substance of what he says that keeps bringing my attention back to him despite myself.
I wonder just how representative Comey is of the psyche and thought processes of people in high places these days in Washington. He’s arrogant without a particle of self-awareness as to how he’s coming across, maximally self-righteous, and seemingly unaware of the basic facts of the legal system or the Constitution.
It’s that last bit that I find most surprising. He’s a lawyer, and a very experienced one at that. Of course, he may be well aware of those basic facts and just think his audience—the American people—is unaware, and that he can successfully play off our ignorance. At any rate, these statements are the sort of thing I’m talking about:
Former FBI Director James Comey said on Tuesday that President Trump’s pardon of Lewis “Scooter” Libby is an “attack on the rule of law,” and insisted there was no reason to doubt his 2007 conviction.
“There’s a reason George W. Bush, for whom Scooter Libby worked, refused to pardon him after looking at all the facts in the case,” Comey said in an interview on ABC’s “Good Morning America.”
“It was an overwhelming case. There’s no reason that’s consistent with justice to pardon him, and so it’s an attack on the rule of law, in my view.”
Comey can criticize Trump’s pardon of Libby all he wants, of course. Among other things, he probably takes it personally, since Comey was the guy who appointed the special counsel who made the case against Libby, Patrick Fitzgerald. There were many irregularities about Libby’s conviction:
There is indeed a reason Bush didn’t pardon him and it had nothing to do with Libby’s prosecution and conviction being fair or just. It had everything to do with politics and Bush simply not wanting to face the backlash. Instead he commuted his sentence entirely…
…[A] key witness against Mr. Libby recanted her testimony recently (2015) after finding out that the persecution had improperly withheld information from her. Never mind that the original leak was found before the special counsel (Fitzgerald) even began his investigation.
Perjury traps are the speciality of special counsels and the predominant way they hang scalps in the absence of any real crime…
But that’s just icing on the pardon cake; they matter, but they don’t matter in terms of whether Trump’s pardon was an attack on “the rule of law.” Comey probably sees it as an attack on himself—at least, indirectly—and perhaps he thinks “the rule of law, c’est moi.”
But the rule of law relevant to presidential pardons is the Constitution of the United States, which grants very broad powers to presidents in pardoning federal offenses other than impeachment, as the courts have consistently held:
The power to pardon is one of the least limited powers granted to the President in the Constitution. The only limits mentioned in the Constitution are that pardons are limited to offenses against the United States (i.e., not civil or state cases), and that they cannot affect an impeachment process…
The scope of the pardon power remains quite broad, almost plenary. As Justice Stephen Field wrote in Ex parte Garland (1867), “If granted before conviction, it prevents any of the penalties and disabilities consequent upon conviction from attaching [thereto]; if granted after conviction, it removes the penalties and disabilities, and restores him to all his civil rights; it makes him, as it were, a new man, and gives him a new credit and capacity….A pardon reaches both the punishment prescribed for the offence and the guilt of the offender….so that in the eye of the law the offender is as innocent as if he had never committed the offence.” A pardon is valid whether accepted or not, because its purposes are primarily public. It is an official act. According to United States v. Klein (1871), Congress cannot limit the President’s grant of an amnesty or pardon, but it can grant other or further amnesties itself.
Surely lawyer and ex-FBI head Comey is aware of all of this operating rule of law. And if he’s not, he should be. If he doesn’t like Trump’s pardon of Libby, he can criticize it, but in no way does it violate or attack the rule of law—in fact, it follows it. If Comey thinks the presidential pardon power should be more limited, he is free to spearhead a movement to amend the Constitution—according to the rule of law.
In researching this post, I came across a curious article by WaPo columnist Richard Cohen. Cohen is a liberal who can’t stand Trump, but back in July of 2013, when the article was written, he made it clear in discussing Comey’s nomination to be head of the FBI that he wasn’t the least bit keen on Comey either. The reason? The Scooter Libby case. Keep in mind as you read this that Cohen is a liberal, as I said:
…[Comey] authorized his friend, the Chicago U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald, to investigate who leaked the name of Valerie Plame. She was the CIA operative who suggested sending her husband, a diplomat, to Africa to see if Saddam Hussein was really buying uranium there. Plame’s name was originally published in The Washington Post in a column by Robert Novak. It was hardly noticed.
This, though, turned out to be the mother of all leak investigations. A gaggle of reporters were implicated and threatened with contempt. One reporter, Judith Miller of The New York Times, went to jail for 85 days. ”˜Her jailing was a classic example of a prosecutor running amok. Fitzgerald already knew the source of the original leak. Indeed, much of Washington knew it was Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage. Fitzgerald persisted nonetheless.
Comey was Fitzgerald’s boss. He should have reined him in. He did nothing of the sort. In fact, there is ample evidence that Fitzgerald was a prosecutor after Comey’s own heart. Comey, too, is a hard-charger. The Wall Street Journal’s editorial page compiled an impressive list of Comey’s excesses, including the prosecution of two lobbyists for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee under the 1917 Espionage Act. The case was dropped, but not before both men lost their jobs, a whole lot of money and, I would suspect, a whole lot of sleep.
Prosecutors have enormous power. A mere inquiry can change a life, even wreck it. FBI directors have even more power…
Comey has exercised his power in disturbing ways.
Of course, now that Comey is pitted against Trump, I doubt Cohen would take Trump’s side, although I can’t find anything he’s written on that subject recently. But fellow-liberal Alan Dershowitz is almost literally sickened by Comey these days, because Dershowitz actually cares about the rule of law:
[Dershowitz] called [Comey’s] book “gossipy,” “scandalous and shameful.”
“This is a man who is revenge-driven, who is prepared to leak through a law professor at Columbia, who is prepared to disclose confidential conversations he had with the president-elect and the president of the United States. He is exactly the wrong person to have headed one of the most important law enforcement agencies in the United States,” Dershowitz said, denouncing the former FBI chief.
“This sends a horrible message to FBI agents and law enforcement people about leaking and about confidences and trying to keep emotion out of law enforcement and politics out of law enforcement,” he added…
“For [Comey] to start speculating on that kind of nonsense and rubbish and not to disclose when he spoke to the president, as you said, that this information was paid for by a political opponent,” he said about the way Comey handled disclosing the infamous ‘Trump dossier’ to the president.
“I used to have a good feeling about Comey,” Dershowitz continued. “I now only have very, very strong negative feelings about him and he just enhances the suspicions that I think so many Americans now have about law enforcement and we ought to be trusting law enforcement.”
It is also somewhat ironic that the prosecution of Scooter Libby was prompted by a leak (by Armitage rather than Libby), but who’s counting? Certainly not Comey, leaker extraordinaire.