[Hat tip: commenter “Barry Meislin.”]
This new piece by Alan Dershowitz is interesting to me for many reasons, not the least because he demonstrates his usual sense and yet continues to find it difficult to surrender his allegiance to the Democratic Party – despite disagreeing with most of what the party stands for these days. To me, his dilemma and its persistence illustrate how hard it often is to change a type of party affiliation that Zell Miller once likened to a “birthmark.”
It’s not difficult for everyone, but it often is, depending in great measure on the social, familial, demographic, and geographic context. I’ve discussed these things before, of course. But the reason I’m bringing them up again today is that for Dershowitz, for me, and I bet for a lot of other people, the price has become even greater lately in social terms as things have heated up.
The enmity can come at work or in clubs or other social groups, including relatives and friends. It can get very personal and even heartbreaking. Family and/or previously close friends can treat the person with increasing coldness, or engage in angrier and more frequent arguments, or outright shunning. Lucky is the person on the right – particularly the political changer – who doesn’t experience this and hasn’t experienced an increase in it lately. I certainly have.
Here’s Dershowitz:
I am on Martha’s Vineyard now where it is easy for me to socially distance because nobody wants to see me or talk to me — for the fact that I defended President Trump in front of the United States Senate…
As the result of taking that on — I thought it was patriotic and based on the Constitution — old friends of mine, people whose kids I recommended to college, people whose kids I helped bail out of jail at 3:00 in the morning, people whose fathers and mothers I helped represent pro bono [free of cost] when they were in trouble, will not talk to me, will not have anything to do with me. They are socially distancing from me without regard to the coronavirus, but that is the price you pay for principle today.
I am very happy living in my house with my family on Martha’s Vineyard, taking my walks every day, writing three or four op-eds a week, and I will continue to do that without regard to how I’m treated on Martha’s Vineyard. The idea of making a transition from the Democrats to the Republicans, I am not there yet. When Keith Ellison, who is now the Attorney General of Minnesota, was running to become chairman of the Democratic Party, I issued a public statement saying I would leave the Democratic Party if he had been elected — because he is a Farrakhan supporter, has a history of association with anti-Semitic causes. He lost the election, but he is now an Attorney General. It is an open question. Right now, as I sit here today, I am a liberal Democrat who is trying very hard to keep the Democratic Party bipartisan on the issue of Israel, and bipartisan on so many other issues of importance to all of Americans.
If I fail, if the Democratic Party moves even further away from where I stand, obviously I have an open mind on these issues.
I think that Dershowitz is fooling himself here. The Democratic Party already has moved so far away from where he stands that it is opposed to nearly everything in which he believes, and would destroy those things. But that’s very hard to acknowledge, after all these years, and Dershowitz is struggling.
Dershowitz is fortunate, however, in that his family still seems to be standing by him. Some people are not so fortunate.
How far are we now from the state China reached during the Cultural Revolution? [emphasis mine]:
“Nobody is more dangerous than he who imagines himself pure in heart,” wrote James Baldwin, “for his purity, by definition, is unassailable.” This observation has been confirmed many times throughout history. However, China’s Cultural Revolution offers perhaps the starkest illustration of just how dangerous the “pure in heart” can be. The ideological justification for the revolution was to purge the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and the nation more broadly, of impure elements hidden in its midst: capitalists, counter-revolutionaries, and “representatives of the bourgeoisie.” To that end, Mao Zedong activated China’s youth—unblemished and uncorrupted in heart and mind—to lead the struggle for purity. Christened the “Red Guards,” they were placed at the vanguard of a revolution that was, in truth, a cynical effort by Mao to reassert his waning power in the Party. Nevertheless, it set in motion a self-destructive force of almost unimaginable depravity…
… “[W]orking groups” of ideologues [were] sent to administer schools. Under their tenure, schools became centers of activism rather than learning. Students were encouraged to create big-character posters exposing their own teachers, officials, and even parents. The accused were humiliated in daily “struggle sessions” in which their students and colleagues interrogated them and demanded confessions. The viciousness of these sessions rapidly intensified. Students beat, spat upon, and tortured—in horrifically creative ways—their often elderly teachers and professors. In one case, students demanded their biology professor stare at the sun with wide open eyes. If he blinked or looked away, they beat him. Even middle and elementary school students participated in the struggle sessions, sometimes beating their teachers to death with sticks and belt buckles…
Amid the hysteria, teachers, professors, and intellectuals did not dare to stand up to the students or defend their colleagues lest they suffer similar fates. But they could not escape by being bystanders. With every word and action becoming potential evidence of capitalist sympathy, teachers and intellectuals enthusiastically joined their students in the struggle sessions and screaming rallies…
In order to avoid persecution during the Cultural Revolution, many were quick to accuse others, thereby creating a feedback loop of ever intensifying ideological fanaticism and violence. Inevitably, the accusers became the accused, and the torturers became the tortured.
No one was safe.
I see no reason at this point to think that we are any different, and that it couldn’t happen here. in 2014 I first likened our student movement to the Red Guards of China’s Cultural Revolution. At the time, I called them “embryonic” Red Guards, but added that the development was ominous. I would no longer use the qualifier “embryonic.”