The charges against Cole bombing suspect Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri have been dropped—for now.
It’s certainly not for lack of evidence. It’s due to the fact that President Obama isn’t keen on the way the Bush administration handled those captured in the so-called war on terror, and one of his big campaign promises was to close down Guantanamo and find a different way than military tribunals to try the enemy combatants there. He says he needs time to review all the cases. In order to do that for al-Nashiri, he needed to stop his military trial before it began. This would protect the right to try him later and not violate the double jeopardy law.
Will al-Nashiri ever come to trial? We don’t know. But if he does, it’s a good guess that if Obama has his way it will be in an ordinary court of justice, subject to all the legal protections (and liberal rules of discovery) such a venue guarantees. As an expert on the subject, Andy McCarthy, writes, this would be a very bad idea:
Obama will discover…evidence for his own belief that terrorism cases belong in the civilian justice system, where they were before 9/11. That would be a lamentable outcome. The military commissions have not performed well, but the paradigm of detentions and prosecutions under the laws of war””whether administered by the military or by a new hybrid system with civilian judicial oversight””is essential to our security.
If we go back to a September 10 way of doing things, under which only those who can be convicted under daunting civilian court standards may be detained, we will get September 11 results.
McCarthy, by the way, wrote one of the best articles I’ve ever read on the problems inherent in treating enemy terrorist combatants under our non-military criminal justice system. Here’s an excerpt:
In the constitutional license given to executive action, a gaping chasm exists between the realms of law enforcement and national security. In law enforcement, as former U.S. Attorney General William P. Barr explained in congressional testimony last October, government seeks to discipline an errant member of the body politic who has allegedly violated its rules. That member, who may be a citizen, an immigrant with lawful status, or even, in certain situations, an illegal alien, is vested with rights and protections under the U.S. Constitution. Courts are imposed as a bulwark against suspect executive action; presumptions exist in favor of privacy and innocence; and defendants and other subjects of investigation enjoy the assistance of counsel, whose basic job is to thwart government efforts to obtain information. The line drawn here is that it is preferable for the government to fail than for an innocent person to be wrongly convicted or otherwise deprived of his rights.
Not so the realm of national security, where government confronts a host of sovereign states and sub-national entities (particularly terrorist organizations) claiming the right to use force. Here the executive is not enforcing American law against a suspected criminal but exercising national-defense powers to protect against external threats. Foreign hostile operatives acting from without and within are not vested with rights under the American Constitution. The galvanizing national concern in this realm is to defeat the enemy, and as Barr puts it, “preserve the very foundation of all our civil liberties.” The line drawn here is that government cannot be permitted to fail…
As Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has observed, weakness is provocative. The fecklessness of meeting terrorist attacks with court proceedings””trials that take years to prepare and months to present, and that, even when successful, neutralize only an infinitesimal percentage of the actual terrorist population””emboldened bin Laden. But just as hurtful was the government’s promotion of terrorism trials in the first place. They were a useful vehicle if the strategic object was to orchestrate an appearance of justice being done. As a national-security strategy, they were suicidal, providing terrorists with a banquet of information they could never have dreamed of acquiring on their own.
Under discovery rules that apply to American criminal proceedings, the government is required to provide to accused persons any information in its possession that can be deemed “material to the preparation of the defense” or that is even arguably exculpatory. The more broadly indictments are drawn (and terrorism indictments tend to be among the broadest), the greater the trove of revelation. In addition, the government must disclose all prior statements made by witnesses it calls (and, often, witnesses it does not call).
This is a staggering quantum of information, certain to illuminate not only what the government knows about terrorist organizations but the intelligence agencies’ methods and sources for obtaining that information. When, moreover, there is any dispute about whether a sensitive piece of information needs to be disclosed, the decision ends up being made by a judge on the basis of what a fair trial dictates, rather than by the executive branch on the basis of what public safety demands.
It is true that this mountain of intelligence is routinely surrendered along with appropriate judicial warnings: defendants may use it only in preparing for trial, and may not disseminate it for other purposes. Unfortunately, people who commit mass murder tend not to be terribly concerned about violating court orders (or, for that matter, about being hauled into court at all).
Andrew McCarthy should know. He was the prosecutor for the 1993 WTC bombing case.
The al-Nashiri case isn’t about a suspect being held indefinitely without a trial—al-Nashiri was about to face trial, and now his trial is delayed while he remains imprisioned. But al-Nashiri was apparently subject to the controversial practice known as waterboarding, which could make his confession suspect. He’s certainly pleading that he only spilled the beans because of the waterboarding, and that he takes back his admissions.
Waterboarding was not the basis of the government’s decision to withdraw the charges, though. That had to do with the more general question of how and where these enemy combatants should be tried. At some point Obama will need to make up his mind about that, but that time may be a way off.
In the meantime, how about extraditing al-Nashiri to Yemen, where he already drew the death penalty in 2004 when he was tried in absentia for the Cole bombing?

