Now that it’s nearly a year into Obama’s presidency, I find myself having a recurrent experience: I’ll go back and read something from the past, but now with the perspective provided by the passage of time I experience an “aha!” moment in which the old text gains deeper meaning because it resonates with events that have occurred in the interim.
In that spirit, I plan to revisit and to expand and comment on a few of my old posts from before the 2008 election. The first is the following, originally appearing on this blog on November 3, 2008:
Many of the revelations about Obama that have come out in the past week have been excerpts from old interviews. I’ve even come across one myself—this piece that appeared in Harper’s two years ago, back when Obama wasn’t yet exercising such tight control of his mouth and his message.
It’s instructive to look at what Obama was saying when his every word wasn’t being scrutinized. Here, for example, is the 2006 Obama on how to be practical and to seem less radical than one actually is:
Since the founding, the American political tradition has been reformist, not revolutionary…What that means is that for a political leader to get things done, he or she ideally should be ahead of the curve, but not too far ahead. I want to push the envelope but make sure I have enough folks with me that I’m not rendered politically impotent.
Sounds as though Obama is saying he is tempering his more extreme agenda because he knows it wouldn’t get him anywhere. Makes a great deal of sense, actually. But he’s not denying that agenda. In fact, he’s biding his time [emphasis mine]:
…Obama said he had no doubt that if the Democrats controlled Congress, it would be possible to move forward on important progressive legislation.
The alternative, until then, is to be opportunistic and look for areas where he can get enough Republican support to actually get a bill passed. That, he said, “means that most of the legislation I’ve proposed [as Senator] will be more modest in its goals than it would be if I were in the majority party.”…
“Karl Rove can afford to win with 51 percent of the vote. They’re not trying to reform health care. They are content with an electorate that is cynical about government. Progressives have a harder job. They need a big enough majority to initiate bold proposals.”
Well, guess what? Obama may soon have his wish. If he’s elected President and both houses of Congress go strongly Democratic, he will finally have that “big enough majority”—and then some.
Looking back at this piece now, I wonder once again how it was that people believed this man would function as a moderate or from the middle. Although shortly after the election I expressed that hope, I was very clear towards the end of the 2008 campaign that I thought the vast preponderance of evidence was that Obama was not just a liberal but a true “progressive” and man of the Left, and would advance that agenda as best he could. The fact that progressives are angry at him right now for not succeeding doesn’t contradict the assumption that his goal would be to satisfy their wishes if it were only possible.
The 2006 Harper’s article linked at the beginning of my piece contains a few more tidbits that I didn’t highlight or quote then, but which have taken on added significance now. You can’t say Obama didn’t warn us, at least in the beginning—although he and the MSM set up smokescreens later, so that only those who had been paying very close attention knew what we were getting into.
Here, for example, is another passage from that Harper’s piece:
[Obama] managed to win a tremendous majority in his home state of Illinois despite rhetoric, and a legislative record, that marked him as a true progressive. During his first year in the state senate””1997””he helped lead a laudable if quixotic crusade that would have amended the state constitution to define health care as a basic right and would have required the Illinois General Assembly to ensure that all the state’s citizens could get health insurance within five years.
Please let that sink in: one of Obama’s initial acts on being elected to his very first public office was an attempt to codify health care as a basic and guaranteed right in the state of Illinois. This was back in 1997, which indicates how long-held his dream has been, and why he has pushed for so-called health care reform now despite the fact that the financial crisis makes this one of the worst times possible for such legislation. Combine this 1997 attempt of his with the sentiments expressed in the other quotes from Obama highlighted here, and it becomes clear that he understood long before becoming president that he would need to move quickly on his long-held agenda if he ever found himself in a situation in which Democrats held a huge majority in Congress, no matter what the economic situation and no matter what the public sentiment about the legislation.
Is it any wonder we are in the position we are in now? Is it any sort of puzzlement any more why the Democrats are “committing suicide” with this unpopular bill? Is there any doubt that Obama, Reid, and Pelosi et. al. are following a plan to get the camel’s nose in the door with this particularly weak and chaotic legislation while they can, and then push for greater and greater “reform” over time, “fixing it later?”
Obama laid it all out three years ago, and appears to have had the same ideas as far back as 1997 and even earlier. Back then, though, hardly anyone was paying attention.
[NOTE: A few more highlights from that 2006 Harper’s article:
—“In 2001, reacting to a surge in home foreclosures in Chicago, [Obama] helped push for a measure that cracked down on predatory lenders that peddled high-interest, high-fee mortgages to lower-end homebuyers.”
—“Throughout his campaign for the U.S. Senate, Obama called for social justice…” (see this)
—“Yet it is also startling to see how quickly Obama’s senatorship has been woven into the web of institutionalized influence-trading that afflicts official Washington. He quickly established a political machine funded and run by a standard Beltway group of lobbyists, P.R. consultants, and hangers-on.”]