I’ve been wading through Martin Amis’ Koba the Dread: Laughter and the Twenty Million, a book about Soviet Russia and its crimes and betrayals. The reason I’m reading that particular book is that one of Amis’s goals in writing it was to explain how it was that so many intellectuals on the left became apologists for and dupes of a regime so (to use Reagan’s word) evil.
At some future date I plan to write a post on that subject. But right now—because Memorial Day has got me thinking about the subject of liberty—it was this paragraph of Maxim Gorky’s, reproduced by Amis in his book, that caught my attention. It was written by Gorky, who had been a supporter of the 1917 October Revolution, only two weeks later:
Lenin and Trotsky do not have the slightest idea of the meaning of freedom or the Rights of Man. They have already become poisoned with the filthy venom of power, and this is shown by their shameful attitude towards freedom of speech, the individual, and all those other civil liberties for which the democracy struggled.
I quote this for several reasons. One is to show how smart and creative people such as Gorky are used and then betrayed by revolutions such as the Communist one (or the recent one in Egypt, which has been on my mind lately). Another is to show how early the character of the Russian Revolution was apparent; no one who was paying attention to the events of 1917 had any real excuses for thinking that its results would be any different, or any better, than what they eventually were. Yes, hindsight is 20/20, but Gorky had foresight. Unfortunately for him and so very many others (twenty million? more?) his foresight came too late, and there were too few who shared it.
Gorky’s own story is a dark and terrible one indeed. But that’s not the point of this post, which is to reflect on how uncommon it is that revolutions are not betrayed, and why.
Revolutions tend to attract an alliance—usually quite temporary—of different groups with very different psychological and political makeups and motives. First there are the idealists, the ones who see human nature as infinitely malleable, and who believe their own rhetoric and that of others who would manipulate their naivete to get what they want. Then there are those on the bottom—let’s call them the proletariat, although the group has had other names in other times—who in a society such as czarist Russia had a lot to complain about, and who wanted things to get materially better for themselves. Then there are also those who love liberty, and who see the revolution as a way to further that cause. These groups are not mutually exclusive, but there’s not necessarily a great deal of overlap.
And then there are the leaders who are adept at taking power and whose rhetoric inflames and inspires the others to action. They are the most interesting of all. In the American Revolution we were fortunate enough to have leaders who cared deeply about liberty, and who had thought long and hard about the seduction of power and how to draw up institutions to resist it and the tyranny that could follow. This is rare, because such character traits are antithetical to those that ordinarily animate revolutionaries.
People who are attracted to that line of work tend to be extremists in their cause, “ends justifies the means” folk. That is, if they believe in their cause at all; some are nihilists. But my guess is that many or even most of them do believe, at least initially, but that overarching it all there’s almost always a driving personality trait: the desire for and love of power for its own sake. That is antithetical to considerations of liberty. Revolutionaries so often have as their goal liberty for me (the leaders themselves) but not for thee, and anyone who gets in the way of the glorious enterprise is fair game.
Successful revolutionary leaders must be adept at wielding power not only within their countries, against the regime they wish to overthrow, but within their own revolutionary cadres. That’s how they get to be leaders in the first place. After the success of the revolution, when they come to control the government, they continue to use those skills to fight to stay on top, and that ordinarily requires a strong dose of ruthlessness. They are generally quite up to the task. Stalin, for example, was a master at it—his solution, like that of so many others, was to kill the opposition.
Over time he killed almost all his old colleagues. But you know, there was that wonderful omelet he was making—although I think that goal became subsumed quite early to the other goal of Stalin’s, which was total control.
Yes, Stalin was just about the worst of the offenders against liberty. But those who would separate him out as qualitatively different from the others such as Lenin and Trotsky are sadly mistaken. The seeds of Stalinism were present from the very beginning, and they were inherent in the entire project, which was to go against human nature. How could that be accomplished except by brute force? Here’s Trotsky way back in December of 1917, as quoted by Amis:
In not more than a month’s time terror will assume very violent forms, after the example of the great French Revolution; the guillotine… will be ready for our enemies… that remarkable invention of the French Revolution which makes man shorter by a head.
He accepted and even embraced the prospect.
Here in the United States we were very, very lucky. We had leaders who rejected the “great” French Revolution and its “remarkable invention,” and therefore we were able—not perfectly, but to an extent greater than in any other revolution—to preserve liberty in its aftermath. So on this Memorial Day, as we honor the fallen in wars that had as one of their goals to preserve that liberty both at home and abroad, let us also mourn the fallen in so many revolutions betrayed.
[ADDENDUM: Some people have pointed out in the comments section here that the French Revolution came after the American one. My reply is that yes, I’m well aware that the French revolution came shortly afterward. But the French solution – to murder the opposition, and to establish a Reign of Terror – was always present as an alternative, and was actually quite an obvious one, even without the French Revolution having happened. It was the way it had been done since time immemorial, really. The Founding Fathers in the US rejected not the guillotine itself, but something like it. A rope or firing squad or ax would have done just as well; the guillotine was only used by the French because it was thought to be more humane, so it’s not the instrument I’m talking about, it’s the idea of killing off the opposition without legal niceties being involved. But I admit I should have phrased it more clearly in the original post.]