George Santos Faces Two More Calls for Ouster From Fellow Republicans
Representatives Marc Molinaro and Anthony D’Esposito on Tuesday came out in favor of expulsion for George Santos, a fellow New York Republican, building on a groundswell of support for the move as the embattled fabulist rejects demands to voluntarily resign from the House.

What, pray tell, causes politicians to draw long knives against this teller of fables? Is it the flagrant manner of his deceptions that offends them? Considering the unspeakably foul and illegitimate entity presently occupying the White House, how then, honestly, can anything else possibly offend?

https://www.frontpagemag.com/if-george-santos-should-resign-so-should-biden/

I have no love for Alexandria, but the accusation was something of a cheap shot. She still had to go up against a formidable incumbent in the primary. Campaigning itself is a series of auditions, and politicians like Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford got their start in politics by “auditioning” for local donors. In some districts powerful clubs or activist organizations have taken the place of older political machines.

They won’t have to deal with them.

That aside, you have a stew problems not addressed by term limits. You need to address all of your consequential problems.

(Hint: It’s a Shonda Georgie, an absolute Shonda! What would the goyim say? Oh, wait…)

I think the real problem is with recruitment practices, promotion practices, employee discipline, employee compensation modes, and one other thing. The other thing is the scope of the federal government’s activities. Reducing the scope and concomitant employment is key.

1. Reduce the verbiage of the federal penal code. The federal penal code and criminal penalties incorporated into other codes should be limited to (a) process crimes contra the operation of the courts and the execution of their orders e.g. contempt of court, perjury), (b) crimes where the federal government as a legal person and federal employees at work are the injured parties (e.g trespassing and burglary on federal property, defrauding the government, counterfeiting and forgery of government documents and issue, tax evasion), (c) public corruption charges in re federal or state officials (bribery, extortion, &c), (e) national security offenses (treason, espionage, insurrection), (f) offenses against people exercising their civil rights (assaults, intimidation, fraud); (g) traveling or transporting persons across jurisdictional lines contrary to immigration law, to the law governing fugitives, to law governing the custody of juveniles and incompetent persons, or to laws on kidnapping; (h) carrying or shipping contraband across jurisdictional frontiers; (i) defrauding persons in another jurisdiction and defrauding travelers in your jurisdiction; (j) undertaking an anticipatory offense with or with regard to a person operating in another jurisdiction (anticipatory offenses are solicitation, conspiracy, attempt, and facilitation). It’s not hard to think of splashy cases which should have involved federal prosecutors only on the margins if at all (Patty Hearst and Jared Fogle to name two).

2. Radically reduce the use of grand juries in the federal system, requiring preliminary hearings in front of an investigative magistrate instead.

3. Require the U.S. Attorney’s office to pay the legal fees of defendants in inverse proportion to the share of charges on the original bill of particulars on which they are able to secure a conviction. Oliver North, to take one example, was convicted on three counts of a 23 count indictment. Lawrence Walsh’s office should have been compelled to pay 87% of the fees due under his retainer agreement.

4. End unqualified immunity for prosecutors and judges.

5. Recalibrate the sentencing in the federal penal code. The J6 defendants should have been looking at 1 day in jail and an $80 fine.

6. Have a regular schedule of indemnities for federal defendants falsely imprisoned. (Including those whose sentence was exceeded by their pre-trial detention).

7. Limit the authority of federal regulatory agencies to transactions occurring across jurisdictional lines. Among the implications of this would be: (a) federal agencies would have jurisdiction over collective bargaining rights or general employment standards in situ only if the enterprise in question was employing people in multiple jurisdictions; (b) vendor to vendor and vendor to consumer transactions would only be subject to federal regulation if the parties were located in different jurisdictions; (c) health and safety regulations would apply only to merchandise shipped out of state, to inter-state shipping and transportation services, and to material whose injuries are inherently latent for long periods; (d) federal environmental regulation would apply only to pollution of long-distance air currents, interstate watersheds, coastal waters, federal property, and pollutants with long-delayed effects.

8. Limit federal welfare provision to specialty clientele and to a menu of expensive programs which do not employ many people. The federal welfare state should have six components: (a) overseas development and relief; (b) emergency response and disaster relief; (c) cash, vouchers, insurance, and services for veterans; (d) Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, SSI, and unemployment compensation; (e) the Job Corps, the Commissioned Corps of the Public Health Service, and subsidies to medical care, long term care, schooling, legal services, shipping and transportation, or some combination thereof to the eligible among niche clientele (Americans living abroad, residents of current and former insular dependencies, reservation Indians, people living in remote areas, military families, miscellaneous persons in itinerant occupations, people facing actions in federal court), and (f) tax rebates which function as matching funds for earned income and income supplements for the elderly and disabled. A whole mess of things should go: SNAP and other nutrition programs, all housing subsidies, TANF, LIHEAP, miscellanous slush funds for local welfare agencies, federal aid to local school districts and to state education departments, federal financing of tertiary schooling (bar ROTC, veterans benefits, and some odds and ends).

9. Radically simplify the federal tax code.

10. In regard to transportation: for long-haul Interstates, have the federal government set up toll booths to finance their maintenance; toll collections would be distributed to dedicated funds in each of the 50 states on a per-acres-of-macadam basis. For short-haul Interstates and U.S. Routes, just define the routes and distribute the signage. Have regular safety inspections for U.S. Routes and Interstates and put certain routes in a federal trusteeship if a state persistently refuses maintenance and repair. Put federally owned railways on the auction bloc. Auction off take-off and landing slots at airports. (And, pretty please, increase the minimum space per passenger on airline flights).

11. With regard to federal land: (a) grant the holders of grazing permits an indemnity calculated according to formulae, then auction off the entire inventory of the Bureau of Land Management; (b) sequester old growth forest, turning it over to the National Park Service, state park services, or to outfits like the Nature Conservancy; (c) auction off federal forest land in any state which has added an amendment to its constitution debarring the imposition of property taxes on woodlands; (d) retain monuments, parks, preserves, and trail systems to be managed by the National Park Service or the Fish and Wildlife Service if they (i) cross state lines or (ii) commemorate an event in national history; turn the rest over to state park services and local philanthropies (NB, Franklin Roosevelt’s house does not commemorate and event in the nation’s history; sell it to a private buyer or turn it over to a local philanthropy).

12. Limit federal payments to local governments to: (i) compensation for the provision of voluntarily contracted services; (ii) payment in lieu of property taxes; (iii) indemnities for regulatory decisions which require bond issues in order to comply with them; and (iv) disaster relief. Limit payments to state and territorial governments to i, iii, and iv above, to the distribution of toll revenue on long-haul Interstates, to the financing of Medicaid, to the financing of unemployment compensation, and to an unrestricted grant determined by formula (and meant to help the more impecunious states and territories). End the extortion and manipulation of state and local government.