BREAKING: FOIA’d email shows Burisma’s lobbyists used Hunter Biden’s position on the board of the corrupt Ukrainian gas company to request a meeting with Obama/Kerry State Department officials while Joe Biden was Vice President.

This is the evidence the media said didn’t exist.

[Screencap document image, see link]

Another FOIA’d email shows that Hunter Biden’s business partner and fellow Burisma board member Devon Archer was set to meet with Secretary of State John Kerry on March 2, 2016, a week after the email mentioning Hunter. [Screencap document image, see link]

Email shows Hunter Biden started following Deputy Secretary of State Tony Blinken, a longtime national security adviser to Vice President Joe Biden, just as Ukrainian Prosecutor General Viktor Shokin announced a raid on the home of Burisma’s founder [Screencap document image, see link]

This interview as tour of horizon makes a fascinating synopsis of our political crisis. Watch it.

I would rather have 1000 fired and none in jail, rather than 10 in jail and only 50 fired. More getting rid of more bodies, rather than just (& deserved) punishment for the crimes.

Well Tom, the problem is that Trum tried to fire them and it didn’t work. Look at the Federal Reserve Act.

https://www.redstate.com/darth641/2019/11/04/breaking-president-trump-restored-chief-petty-officer-gallagher-pre-court-martial-rank/

I think there will be some accountability. There is just too much evidence now about what really happened, and we now have Barr heading up the Justice department — someone who cares deeply about the rule of law and has the guts to defend it.

https://libertyunyielding.com/2019/11/02/house-dems-request-for-grand-jury-materials-sure-looks-like-they-knew-right-away-about-the-july-phone-call/

House Dems’ request for grand jury materials sure looks like they knew right away about the July phone call
By J.E. Dyer November 2, 2019

In retrospect, it is eye-catching in the extreme that the House Judiciary Committee’s request to have grand jury materials cited in the Mueller Report released to it was forwarded to the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia on 26 July 2019.

The date, of course, is one day after the Trump-Zelensky phone call of 25 July 2019.
…
In retrospect, given the timing, it can’t help looking like the 143 reference on 26 July was in the nature of a bait and switch, without a specific, focused justification, so that it could be developed later.

The issue is not whether that is proper procedure. The issue is that it looks awful darn particular. P. 143 is in fact the only reference included in the request for grand jury materials for which there is no mention of its relevant content in that original filing. Even the undeveloped reference to the Erik Prince activities contains identifying information about what it is. The p. 143 reference is inserted in such a way that, arguably, its inclusion in the summary list is not just uncommunicative but deceptive.

That can’t help suggesting consciousness by the Democrats who wrote the request of a need to know what’s in the grand jury materials on that specific topic, for a reason they weren’t willing to elaborate on at the time they filed the request. Such an appearance the day after the 25 July phone call is a flashing red light, requiring inquiry and resolution at the very least.
…
Regarding the Erik Prince activities (pp. 153-55 of the Mueller Report), which are also included without a prior argument for why they’re important to an impeachment inquiry, this looks like another classic ploy.

Prince’s meetings in the Seychelles occurred while Obama was still in office, in the last few days before the Trump inauguration in January 2017. Besides the grand jury references, the Mueller Report’s footnotes show that the special counsel investigation was relying on redacted “investigative techniques” to know the contents of communications about those meetings. What we can read into that is that the same thing we know about the Obama administration and Michael Flynn’s phone conversations with Russian Ambassador Kislyak. The same justification would have been used for any monitoring; i.e., the blanket hand-wave of national security for the Russian side of the equation.

Any such data package on the Russians involved is still accessible to some of the people who would have known it was being gathered at the time. But what the Democrats in the House don’t have is the grand jury testimony of Erik Prince. If they can get that, they’ll be in a position to look for discrepancies between Prince’s testimony and whatever was gathered on the Russians.

It’s been clear all along that the HJC request for grand jury materials is a fishing expedition. But it’s not just an open-ended quest for potentially useful information. It’s partly – and perhaps foremost – a targeted request for what Democrats have to fear Barr and Durham know about their activities.

Pride leads those who have it, plus a belief that their goal is good, to accept any means to achieve their good goal. Their prideful ends justify their rule-breaking and illegal means.

Colleges have successfully indoctrinated most grads into an ability to rationalize their usual prideful desires to “do good” – to use “good intentions” to justify any crime.